[Lingtyp] From causal to complement markers

Jess Tauber tetrahedralpt at gmail.com
Sat Sep 26 19:06:56 UTC 2020


Note also that the general causative prefix on verbs is tu:-. The language
is a bipartite construction language, with
instrument/bodypart/manner-of-action prefixes and pathway/position suffixes
flanking the main verb root/stem. There are a number of such
instrument/manner-of-action prefixes with initial /d/ or /t/, such as
da:gu: 'to do with the hands' (generally as a pair), also tvg-/tvx- (v
schwa). And there is verb ta:gu: 'to give' versus ata 'to take'.  Compare
these with the forms from the previous post.

Jess Tauber

On Sat, Sep 26, 2020 at 2:04 PM Jess Tauber <tetrahedralpt at gmail.com> wrote:

> In Yahgan (genetic isolate, Tierra del Fuego), the free verb a:kina
> (colon marks tenseness of vowel preceding it, -na is a verbalizer) means
> 'do, make, work'. Suffixes -a, -a:ki are multifunctional. One use is as
> instrumental, another marks result of some action. -da/ -da:gi mark 'like
> X'. Then there is verb suffix -da:gia 'because, as' as well as free form
> tasaia, ta:saia 'as, like, in the same way as'.  And suffix -ata marks
> Aktsionsart, especially semelfactive (the start or ending of some action).
> All these forms seem to be historically interrelated, but there is no way
> to surely do an internal reconstruction currently.
>
> Jess Tauber
>
> On Sat, Sep 26, 2020 at 1:29 PM tiritiri trauntraun <hernaitz at hotmail.com>
> wrote:
>
>> Dear all,
>>
>> I’m interested in finding examples of languages for which it might be
>> assumed (either tacitly or explicitly) that elements marking complement
>> clauses are directly derived from markers of causal clauses, as in (1) and
>> (2):
>>
>>               Hausa (Chadic, Afroasiatic). Abdoulaye 2008.
>>
>> (1)  *Dà* su-kèe tsòoro-n à kaamàa su, sun gudù.
>>
>>        *as* 3p-RI fear-of imp.SBJ arrest 3p 3p.CPL flee
>>
>>        '*As* they are afraid of being arrested, they fled.'
>>
>> (2)  Naa yi màamaakìi *dà* su-kèe fìtaa dà wuri.
>>
>>       1s.CPL do surprise *as* 3p-RI go.out at early
>>
>>       'I am surprised *that* they go out early.'
>>
>>
>> For Hausa, Abdoulaye assumes that *dà* in (2) functions as a
>> complementizer, and that this is a ‘secondary’ extension from a causal
>> source (1). Similar interpretations can be found for Latin (*quod*,
>> *quia*) or for a number of Semitic languages (e.g., Hebrew, Amharic or
>> Akkadian). Schmidtke-Bode (2014) also mentions other possible cases, like
>> Epena Pedee.
>>
>> I’d be very grateful to hear about any other potential cases, no matter
>> how loose these assumptions might be or how restricted to a small number of
>> semantic context or complement-taking predicates.
>>
>> Many thanks!
>>
>> Best,
>>
>>
>>
>> Rodrigo Hernáiz
>>
>> Lecturer in Languages and Linguistics
>>
>> School of Languages and Applied Linguistics
>>
>> The Open University
>>
>> rodrigo.hernaiz-gomez at open.ac.uk
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> Abdoulaye, M. L. (2008). *Origin of relative marking in Hausa*. (
>> https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00259490)
>>
>> Schmidtke-Bode, K. (2014). *Complement clauses and complementation
>> systems: A cross-linguistic study of grammatical organization* (Doctoral
>> dissertation, Thüringer Universitäts-und Landesbibliothek Jena).
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
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