[Lingtyp] Grammaticalization of 1SG verb forms

Aigul Zakirova aigul.n.zakirova at gmail.com
Fri Nov 12 01:19:17 UTC 2021


Dear colleagues,
I am wondering whether you know of any languages in which a finite 1SG verb
form (e.g. non-past) is also used in modal contexts (e.g. optative or
deontic) with subjects which are not 1SG. I am asking because I came across
such a use in languages I work on, Meadow Mari and Hill Mari (Uralic).

In the examples below a non-past 1SG form is combined with *əl’e*, a form
of the verb 'to be', to yield an optative reading. In other types of
optative utterances əl’e is also used, so  əl’e is not very interesting;
what interests me is the use of the non-past 1SG form.

Meadow Mari
erla jür lij-am əl’-e!
tomorrow rain become-NPST.1SG be-AOR.3SG
‘If only it rained tomorrow!’

Meadow Mari
maksim erla tol-am əl’-e
Maksim tomorrow arrive-NPST.1SG be-AOR.3SG
‘If only Maksim (person's name) arrived tomorrow!’

To put it more broadly, if you have encountered cases where a certain
"petrified" person-number verb form is used in atypical contexts which are
distant from the original form's meaning, I am also interested in such
cases. What comes to my mind is
-formal coincidence or resemblance between indicative and imperative 2PL
forms
-use of imperatives in Russian to convey abruptness (А он как побеги!) or
in conditional / concessive clauses (Сделай он это, все было бы по-другому)
But maybe there is something else on the matter?

Best,
Aigul Zakirova
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