[Lingtyp] instant resumption
zygmunt.frajzyngier at colorado.edu
Sun Sep 19 19:00:12 UTC 2021
In several Chadic languages some relative clauses end in a demonstrative. In my 1996 book I analyzed the function of these markers as coding existential status of the head of the relative clause.
Frajzyngier, Zygmunt.1996. Grammaticalization of the Complex Sentence: A case study in Chadic. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: Benjamins. Complementary Series to the Study in Language. (Chapter on relative clauses)
Dept. of Linguistics,
University of Colorado, Box 295
Boulder, Colorado. 80309
From: Lingtyp <lingtyp-bounces at listserv.linguistlist.org> on behalf of Christian Lehmann <christian.lehmann at uni-erfurt.de>
Date: Sunday, September 19, 2021 at 8:59 AM
To: LINGTYP LINGTYP <LINGTYP at LISTSERV.LINGUISTLIST.ORG>
Subject: [Lingtyp] instant resumption
while working on Cabecar grammar, I have been struggling with a phenomenon which I do not recall having seen treated in the literature and which I have dubbed instant resumption. It is a kind of intraclausal anaphora involving an NP as antecedent and a demonstrative pronoun as anaphor. A variant of this has been well-known as left-dislocation. In Cabecar, however, the construction has these properties:
* It does not necessarily involve left-dislocation. The antecedent NP may be anywhere inside the clause, even at its end.
* The resumptive pronoun (the medial demonstrative, glossed D.MED below) may, in principle, come later in the clause. However, in 96% of the cases, it follows the antecedent immediately. It does this even at the end of the clause. I therefore assume that, at the structural level, this is (putting it in grammaticalizational terms) no longer anaphora, but apposition.
* The phenomenon is completely independent of the internal constituency of the antecedent; this may be a nominalized clause, a determined NP or even a pronoun. And it is independent of the syntactic function of the resumptive - or the entire appositional NP - in its clause; it may be just any function available to an NP.
* Instant resumption is always optional, although preferred in many cases.
Here are two examples; the antecedent is bracketed:
E1. Rogelio jé m-á̱=ká̱=ju̱ bulía.
[Rogelio] D.MED go-PROG=ASC=AM tomorrow
‘Rogelio(, he) will climb tomorrow.’
E2. jé rä sä yu-ä kië́ Pedro jé= i̠a̠.
D.MED COP [1.PL form-NR name Peter] D.MED=DAT
‘that is for the professor named Peter.’
Unless you have seen this kind of construction before, you may think that my analysis is mistaken and the demonstrative is simply a postnominal determiner. Be assured that it is not. The language has prenominal determiners. And as said before, there are 4% of distant resumption which would not be possible if the thing were a determiner.
Certain phenomena I have seen in other languages come to mind:
* In Dagbani, the relative clause (described by Wilson 1963 and 1975) is followed by a particle la which Wilson does not categorize but which looks like a demonstrative.
* In Wappo, the relative clause (described by Li & Thompson 1978) is followed by a demonstrative ce, which at that time I thought was a postnominal determiner.
* In some Australian language which I do not recall, the case suffixes on nouns look like pronouns provided with the same case suffixes. Compare with this E2 above.
Here are my questions to you:
* Have you seen instant resumption in other languages?
* Is there an established concept and term for the phenomenon which I have overlooked?
* Is it a grammaticalized form of left-dislocation, as it appears to me, or is there some other base for it?
* How should we conceive its function at the grammaticalized stage? To me, it seems that it no longer has any cognitive or communicative function, but a mere structural function (if I may say so), viz. identifying a nominal expression as such by summing it up, and thus demarcating it against the rest of the clause at least in configurations as E1.
I would be grateful for any help.
Prof. em. Dr. Christian Lehmann
christianw_lehmann at arcor.de<mailto:christianw_lehmann at arcor.de>
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