[Lingtyp] Negation marks adverbial clauses
Pier Marco Bertinetto
piermarco.bertinetto at sns.it
Wed Jan 12 18:13:19 UTC 2022
This may be a marginal observation, but not unrelated to the topic.
In Ayoreo (Zamuco), the connector 'before' (as in: *Before you came, I was
worried*) is expressed as
*uje cama* [uhe kama]
when not.yet
(*uje* is a multifunctional connector, also expressing cause, and is also
used as relative pronoun).
This suggests a possible path for the negation to insinuate in a temporal
clause, for there is an obvious connection between 'when not yet' and
'until not'.
Best
Pier Marco
Il giorno mer 12 gen 2022 alle ore 16:14 Yanwei Jin <yanweiji at buffalo.edu>
ha scritto:
> Dear all,
>
> I think someone has already mentioned my work (with my advisor) *A
> cross-linguistic study of expletive negation* published in Linguistic
> Typology last year where we went over 722 languages, studied 5 languages
> in depth, collected a comprehensive list of expletive negation triggers
> (e.g., fear, before, prevent, almost, refuse, etc.), and provided a
> semantic and psycholinguistic account why this might be the case. I further
> expanded that paper with an investigation of more languages and several
> psycholinguistic experiments into my dissertation (*Negation on your
> mind: A cross-linguistic and psycholinguistic study of expletive negation*)
> which can be downloaded from Proquest. If anyone is interested in both
> works but has no access to them, I can send them to you.
>
> I am very interested to know that "as long as" also seems to trigger
> expletive negation as I did not notice this one when I was going over more
> than a thousand grammars in my dissertation. This is a new trigger for me
> to think about how to fit its semantic analysis into my previous account.
>
> I should also point out that even in English, you can find expletive
> negation examples that borderline non-standard usage (or maybe dialect) and
> speech errors in spontaneous speech. Horn (2010) calls such usages
> "violations in parole".
>
> a. I'll *miss* not seeing you around.
> b. Well, really, how do I *keep from* not worrying?
> c. It's been ages *since* I haven't posted anything here.
> d. I don't know if I can *hold myself back from* not watching it.
>
> I had lots of these English examples in my published paper and
> dissertation. What is fascinating here is that the expletive negation
> triggers found in English are highly similar to those in French, Mandarin,
> etc where expletive negation exists profusely, suggesting that this
> phenomenon definitely has some shared cognitive underpinnings across
> languages. What is truly different across languages is the degree to which
> expletive negation use is conventionalized.
>
> Reference
> Jin, Yanwei & Jean-Pierre Koenig. 2021. A cross-linguistic study of
> expletive negation. Linguistic Typology 25(1). 39-78.
> Jin, Yanwei. 2021. Negation on your mind: A cross-linguistic and
> psycholinguistic study of expletive negation. Buffalo, NY: University at
> Buffalo dissertation.
> Hom, Lawrence. 2010. Multiple negation in English and other languages. In
> Lawrence Horn (ed.), The expression of negation, 111-148. Berlin: De
> Gruyter Mouton.
>
>
>
>
> On Tue, Jan 11, 2022 at 10:18 AM mohammad rasekh <mrasekhmahand at yahoo.com>
> wrote:
>
>> Dear All,
>> I hope you have started a happy new year.
>> In the corpus of one of my students in Hamedani Persian (a variety spoken
>> in Hamedan, west of Iran), we have found some adverbial clauses in which
>> the verb is marked by negative prefix, but it does not mean negative. These
>> adverbial clauses mark Time (meaning 'as soon as') and Reason, or both at
>> the same time. Some examples:
>>
>> 1. *i ke kur na-šod, man
>> diye ruz-e xoš na-didam*
>>
>> he that blind NEG-become, I anymore
>> day-EZ happy NEG-see-1SG
>> As soon as he got blind, I had no good times.
>>
>> 2. *das ke ne-mi-ke**š**-i**
>> ru har**č**i, x**ā**k-e*
>>
>> hand that NEG-IND-touch-2SG over everything,
>> dirty-BE.3SG
>>
>> As you touch everything, it is dirty.
>> I wonder if there is any other language in which the adverbial clause is
>> negative in form but not in meaning. I searched to find some evidence or
>> some sources which mention this, but I was not successful. I appreciate
>> your comments.
>> Best regards,
>> Mohammad
>>
>> Mohammad Rasekh-Mahand
>> Linguistics Department,
>> Bu-Ali Sina University,
>> Hamedan, Iran.
>> Postal Code: 6517838695
>> https://basu.academia.edu/MohammadRasekhmahand
>>
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