[Lingtyp] semantics of object clauses of perception verbs

Riccardo Giomi rgiomi at campus.ul.pt
Sun Aug 27 17:26:17 UTC 2023


Hi all,

I would find "event clause" vs "manner clause" (hence, "event perception" *vs
"*manner perception") equally acceptable. She saw the event taking place *vs
*she saw in which way the event took place.

Best,
Riccardo

Christian Lehmann <christian.lehmann at uni-erfurt.de> escreveu no dia
domingo, 27/08/2023 à(s) 19:14:

> Agreed. I was extrapolating from the Cabecar facts; but in fact, the
> formal development of a functional contrast in terms of a markedness
> opposition is a matter of every language's grammar.
> Am 27.08.2023 um 11:02 schrieb Juergen Bohnemeyer:
>
> I would think of it more in terms of iconicity than in terms of markedness:
>
>
>
> Suppose the grammar of a particular language provides for both finite and
> nonfinite complements.
>
>
>
> Suppose furthermore that the members of the speech community frequently
> communicate about both event perception and propositional inference.
>
>
>
> In this situation, I would assume that nonfinite complements become an
> attractor for the event perception meaning, whereas finite complements
> become an attractor for the propositional inference meaning.
>
>
>
> Why? Perhaps the simplest explanation would be that propositional
> inference complements have independent time reference, whereas event
> perception complements refer to events that necessarily unfold
> contemporaneously with the perception event.
>
>
>
> One could also say that the independent vs. dependent time reference
> contrast is simply a special case of a broader contrast, whereby event
> perception is conceptually simpler than propositional inference.
>
>
>
> Best – Juergen
>
>
>
> Juergen Bohnemeyer (He/Him)
> Professor, Department of Linguistics
> University at Buffalo
>
> Office: 642 Baldy Hall, UB North Campus
> Mailing address: 609 Baldy Hall, Buffalo, NY 14260
> Phone: (716) 645 0127
> Fax: (716) 645 3825
> Email: jb77 at buffalo.edu
> Web: http://www.acsu.buffalo.edu/~jb77/
>
> Office hours Tu/Th 3:30-4:30pm in 642 Baldy or via Zoom (Meeting ID 585
> 520 2411; Passcode Hoorheh)
>
> There’s A Crack In Everything - That’s How The Light Gets In
> (Leonard Cohen)
>
> --
>
>
>
>
>
> *From: *Christian Lehmann <christian.lehmann at uni-erfurt.de>
> <christian.lehmann at uni-erfurt.de>
> *Date: *Sunday, August 27, 2023 at 18:49
> *To: *Juergen Bohnemeyer <jb77 at buffalo.edu> <jb77 at buffalo.edu>,
> lingtyp at listserv.linguistlist.org <lingtyp at listserv.linguistlist.org>
> <lingtyp at listserv.linguistlist.org>
> *Subject: *Re: [Lingtyp] semantics of object clauses of perception verbs
>
> Thank you very much, that is sufficient for present purposes (although
> alternative terms from the floor remain welcome). I doubt, though, that
> every use of the 'that' variant of this construction conveys an inference.
> It would rather appear to be the unmarked variant, such that subordination
> by something like 'how' is the marked variant insisting on event perception.
>
> Am 27.08.2023 um 10:43 schrieb Juergen Bohnemeyer:
>
> Yes. Personally, I like ‘event perception’ vs. ‘propositional inference’.
> ‘Event perception’ for the “direct” case has certainly been used elsewhere,
> though I would have to google it to be sure where. See for example here:
>
>
>
>
> https://ub01.uni-tuebingen.de/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10900/47121/pdf/Maienborn_2011_Event_semantics.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y
>
>
>
> Best – Juergen
>
>
>
> Juergen Bohnemeyer (He/Him)
> Professor, Department of Linguistics
> University at Buffalo
>
> Office: 642 Baldy Hall, UB North Campus
> Mailing address: 609 Baldy Hall, Buffalo, NY 14260
> Phone: (716) 645 0127
> Fax: (716) 645 3825
> Email: jb77 at buffalo.edu
> Web: http://www.acsu.buffalo.edu/~jb77/
>
> Office hours Tu/Th 3:30-4:30pm in 642 Baldy or via Zoom (Meeting ID 585
> 520 2411; Passcode Hoorheh)
>
> There’s A Crack In Everything - That’s How The Light Gets In
> (Leonard Cohen)
>
> --
>
>
>
>
>
> *From: *Lingtyp <lingtyp-bounces at listserv.linguistlist.org>
> <lingtyp-bounces at listserv.linguistlist.org> on behalf of Christian
> Lehmann <christian.lehmann at uni-erfurt.de>
> <christian.lehmann at uni-erfurt.de>
> *Date: *Sunday, August 27, 2023 at 18:33
> *To: *lingtyp at listserv.linguistlist.org
> <lingtyp at listserv.linguistlist.org> <lingtyp at listserv.linguistlist.org>
> *Subject: *[Lingtyp] semantics of object clauses of perception verbs
>
> Please: what are the technical terms for the semantic contrast between
> 'she saw that the foreigner passed by' and 'she saw how the foreigner
> passed by'? (I just found it in Cabecar.)
>
> Thanks in advance,
>
> Christian
>
> --
>
> Prof. em. Dr. Christian Lehmann
> Rudolfstr. 4
> 99092 Erfurt
> Deutschland
>
> Tel.:
>
> +49/361/2113417
>
> E-Post:
>
> christianw_lehmann at arcor.de
>
> Web:
>
> https://www.christianlehmann.eu
>
>
>
> --
>
> Prof. em. Dr. Christian Lehmann
> Rudolfstr. 4
> 99092 Erfurt
> Deutschland
>
> Tel.:
>
> +49/361/2113417
>
> E-Post:
>
> christianw_lehmann at arcor.de
>
> Web:
>
> https://www.christianlehmann.eu
>
>
>
> --
>
> Prof. em. Dr. Christian Lehmann
> Rudolfstr. 4
> 99092 Erfurt
> Deutschland
> Tel.: +49/361/2113417
> E-Post: christianw_lehmann at arcor.de
> Web: https://www.christianlehmann.eu
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