[Lingtyp] from connector to focus marker

Paolo Ramat paoram at unipv.it
Sun Feb 19 11:43:56 UTC 2023


Hi Mohammad,
I don't know whether the attached paper by Simona Messina on Ital.
passepartout *che *( etymologically = Pers,* ke !*) may be interesting to
your  query. "from subordinator to information structure marker". I think
that in spoken Italian the answer could be, at least partially, positive.
At any rate, try to understand the examples you find in the text.

Best,
Paolo

Prof. Dr. Paolo Ramat
Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Socio corrispondente
'Academia Europaea'
'Societas Linguistica Europaea', Honorary Member
Università di Pavia (retired)
Istituto Universitario di Studi Superiori (IUSS Pavia) (retired)

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Il giorno dom 19 feb 2023 alle ore 02:52 Juergen Bohnemeyer <
jb77 at buffalo.edu> ha scritto:

> Dear Mohammad – The following may be obvious to you. In which case, please
> ignore it.
>
>
>
> There are two reasonably well-established grammaticalization pathways
> between connectives (and complementizers in particular) and focus markers
> (that I’m aware of). Both involve clefts. Clefts may involve a
> complementizer/subordinator in the subordinate clause, which is often a
> relative clause or RC-like construction. And clefts may of course
> grammaticalize into clause-internal focus constructions (or may be
> misanalyzed as such). You will find examples in Heine & Kuteva (2002).
> Perhaps the earliest widely cited treatment of this nexus is Schachter
> (1973).
>
>
>
> The second route also involves clefts, but in this case, the connection to
> complementizers is an indirect one: demonstratives are a common
> grammaticalization source of both copulas and complementizers, and copulas
> in turn may find their way into clefts, which may again grammaticalize into
> clause-internal focus constructions (etc.).  Again, you’ll find examples in
> Heine & Kuteva (2002).
>
>
>
> Best – Juergen
>
>
>
> Heine, B. & T. Kuteva. (2002). World lexicon of grammaticalization.
> Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
>
> Schachter, P. (1973). Focus and relativization. Language 49: 19–46.
>
>
>
>
>
> Juergen Bohnemeyer (He/Him)
> Professor, Department of Linguistics
> University at Buffalo
>
> Office: 642 Baldy Hall, UB North Campus
> Mailing address: 609 Baldy Hall, Buffalo, NY 14260
> Phone: (716) 645 0127
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> Email: jb77 at buffalo.edu
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>
> Office hours Tu/Th 3:30-4:30pm in 642 Baldy or via Zoom (Meeting ID 585
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>
> There’s A Crack In Everything - That’s How The Light Gets In
> (Leonard Cohen)
>
> --
>
>
>
>
>
> *From: *Lingtyp <lingtyp-bounces at listserv.linguistlist.org> on behalf of
> mohammad rasekh <mrasekhmahand at yahoo.com>
> *Date: *Saturday, February 18, 2023 at 5:06 AM
> *To: *LINGTYP LINGTYP <lingtyp at listserv.linguistlist.org>
> *Subject: *[Lingtyp] from connector to focus marker
>
> Dear All,
>
> There is a particle in Persian (Iranian language) which has multiple
> functions. This particle is ‘ke’, literally meaning ‘that’. Broadly, it has
> two general/main functions: a)connector (connecting complement, relative
> and adverbial clauses), b) marking some parts of information structure
> (focus, rhetorical question, mirativity, indifference, etc.). Concerning
> this particle, I have two questions:
>
> First, is there any evidence in other languages in which a particle moves
> from subordinator to information structure marker? If there is, I
> appreciate providing me with the sources.
>
> Second, the position of ‘ke’ as adverbial clause marker is not fixed. It
> may appear clause initially, but it moves to different parts of the
> adverbial clause (not the final position). Actually it ‘shifts’. Is there
> any evidence in other languages for this ‘subordinator shift’?
>
> Thanks in advance.
>
> Mohammad Rasekh-Mahand
>
>
>
>
>
> Mohammad Rasekh-Mahand
>
> Linguistics Department,
>
> Bu-Ali Sina University,
>
> Hamedan, Iran.
>
> Postal Code: 6517838695
>
> https://basu.academia.edu/MohammadRasekhmahand
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