[Lingtyp] A generalization about morphological and syntactic causatives

Thu Jun 8 03:35:07 UTC 2023

Dear Juergen,

A further complicating factor is probably the gradient nature of
morphological vs. periphrastic causatives and associated meanings. Pichi
(African Caribbean English Lexifier Creole, Equatorial Guinea) has two
periphrastic causatives.

In (1) The causative event is expressed in two *finite* clauses rather than
in a main clause. The subordinate clause of effect is introduced by a
subjunctive complementizer and the causee may only be expressed as the
subject of the subjunctive (effect) clause; (2) involves argument sharing
and deranking - the causee NP is the syntactic object of the main predicate
and simultaneously the notional subject of the *non-finite* subordinate
(effect) clause predicate (https://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/85; p.
365-370):

(1) *à mék mék é chɔ́p*
    1sg.sbj make sbjv 3sg.sbj eat
    'I made her/him eat' [direct or indirect causation]

(2)* à mék=àm chɔ́p*
    1sg.sbj make=3sg.obj eat
    'I made her/him eat.' [direct causation]

*@Sebastian Dom*: maybe the syntactic causative in Kagulu developed to
signal (a degree of) indirect causation and then largely displaced
morphological causation?

Cheers,
Kofi
————
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Chair of Linguistics <http://www.linguistics.hku.hk/> • University of Hong
Kong <http://arts.hku.hk/>
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<https://zenodo.org/record/6375868>

On Thu, Jun 8, 2023 at 8:30 AM Mark Donohue <mhdonohue at gmail.com> wrote:

> Add Austronesian languages, at least those in Taiwan and Sulawesi, to the
> list of languages with both 'fully productive morphological causatives' +
> syntactic causatives.
>
> Examples:
>
> Tukang Besi (Southeast Sulawesi):
>
> No-pa-manga-‘e na ana te osimpu
>
> 3R-CAUS-eat-3P NOM child CORE young.coconut
>
> ‘She made the child eat the young coconut.’
>
>
>
> No-karajaa-‘e kua no-manga te osimpu na ana
>
> 3R-make-3P COMP 3R-eat CORE young.coconut NOM child
>
> ‘She made the child eat the young coconut.’
>
> Rukai (Taiwan)
>
> o-poa-lra-iline apaa-dhe’enge
>
> Dyn.Fin-make-1S.Nom-3S.Obl Rec:Caus-Dyn.NFin:meet
>
> dhipolo la taotao.
>
> Dhipolo and Taotao
>
> ‘I introduced Dhipolo to Taotao.’ (Lit: ‘I made Dhipolo and Taotao meet.’)
>
>
>
> apaa-dhe’enge-lra-iline taotao la dhipolo.
>
> Recip:Caus-Dyn.NFin-meet-1S.Nom-3P.Obl Taotao and Dhipolo
>
> ‘I introduced Taotao to Dhipolo.’
>
>
> -Mark
>
>
> (Zeitoun, Elizabeth (2007). *A Grammar of Mantauran (Rukai)*. Language
> and Linguistics Monograph Series A4-2. Taipei: Institute of Linguistics,
> Academia Sinica)
>
>
> On Thu, 8 Jun 2023 at 06:25, Guillaume Jacques <rgyalrongskad at gmail.com>
> wrote:
>
>> Dear Juergen,
>>
>> Japhug (langsci-press.org/catalog/book/295) is a counterexample, it
>> has a very productive causative prefix sɯ-/z- (phonologically
>> conditioned allomorphs) which can be applied to loanwords from Tibetan
>> and even from Chinese, and occurs on transitive verbs
>> (https://paperhive.org/documents/items/Q7EaSdGqQ2jb?a=p:863), but at
>> the same time there are periphrastic causative constructions, for
>> instance with the verb βzu "make"
>> (https://paperhive.org/documents/items/Q7EaSdGqQ2jb?a=p:1378).
>>
>> Guillaume
>>
>> Le mer. 7 juin 2023 à 20:57, Juergen Bohnemeyer <jb77 at buffalo.edu> a
>> écrit :
>> >
>> > Dear all – It seems that languages with fully productive morphological
>> causatives tend to lack syntactic (a.k.a. periphrastic/analytical)
>> causatives. By ‘fully productive’, I mean crucially that the causative
>> marker can be applied to already transitive (and thus semantically
>> causative) bases, and therefore can be used to express indirect causation.
>> Examples of languages that have fully productive morphological causatives
>> in this sense and lack periphrastic causative constructions include
>> Chuvash, Japanese, Hindi/Urdu, and Shawi (Cahuapanan, Peru).
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> > Two questions about the above generalization:
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> > (i)                  Are there counterexamples?
>> >
>> > (ii)                Are there statements of this generalization in the
>> literature?
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> > Thanks! – Juergen
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> > Juergen Bohnemeyer (He/Him)
>> > Professor, Department of Linguistics
>> > University at Buffalo
>> >
>> > Office: 642 Baldy Hall, UB North Campus
>> > Mailing address: 609 Baldy Hall, Buffalo, NY 14260
>> > Phone: (716) 645 0127
>> > Fax: (716) 645 3825
>> > Email: jb77 at buffalo.edu
>> > Web: http://www.acsu.buffalo.edu/~jb77/
>> >
>> > Office hours Tu/Th 3:30-4:30pm in 642 Baldy or via Zoom (Meeting ID 585
>> 520 2411; Passcode Hoorheh)
>> >
>> > There’s A Crack In Everything - That’s How The Light Gets In
>> > (Leonard Cohen)
>> >
>> > --
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> > _______________________________________________
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>>
>>
>>
>> --
>> Guillaume Jacques
>>
>> Directeur de recherches
>> CNRS (CRLAO) - EPHE- INALCO
>> https://scholar.google.fr/citations?user=1XCp2-oAAAAJ&hl=fr
>> https://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/295
>> http://panchr.hypotheses.org/
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