[Lingtyp] Grammaticalised emotional states

[TasakuTsunoda]

                                          2023/03/07

Dear Colleagues,

 

Warrongo (northeast Australia) has the conjugational category “apprehensional” (Tsunoda 2011: 286-288).

 

“The apprehensional predominantly indicates that an event might occur, and it often implies that the event is unpleasant” (Tsunoda 2011: 286).

 

“The apprehensional can be used in the subordinate clause of two types of complex sentences: ‘lest … should’ (4.17) and ‘X is afraid that’ (4.18.1)” (Tsunoda 2011: 287).

 

For 4.17, please see Tsunoda (2011: 614-618).

For 4.18.1, please see Tsunoda (2011: 619-621).

 

Tsunoda, Tasaku. 2011. A grammar of Warrongo. Berlin & New York: De Gruyter Mouton.

 

Best wishes,

 

Tasaku Tsunoda

 

 

送信元: Lingtyp <lingtyp-bounces at listserv.linguistlist.org> (Bastian Persohn <persohn.linguistics at gmail.com> の代理)
日付: 2023年3月6日 月曜日 18:03
宛先: Ponrawee Prasertsom <ponrawee.pra at gmail.com>
Cc: <lingtyp at listserv.linguistlist.org>
件名: Re: [Lingtyp] Grammaticalised emotional states

 

Dear Ponrawee,

 

You might be interested in apprehensional epistemics, which express a negative subjective stance towards a possibility, and which are sometimes described as ‚fear‘ markers.

 

Some references, with no claim as to their comprehensiveness:

Dobrushina, Nina. 2006. Grammaticheskie formy i konstrukcii so znacheniem opasenija i predosterezhenija [Grammatical forms and constructions with the meaning of fear and caution]. Voprosy jazykoznanija 2. 28–67. 

Lichtenberk, Frantisek. 1995. Apprehensional epistemics. In Joan Bybee & Suzanne Fleischman (eds.), Modality in grammar and discourse, 293–327. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Vuillermet, Marine. 2018. Grammatical fear morphemes in Ese Ejja. Making the case for a morphosemantic apprehensional domain. Studies in Language 42(1). 256–293. 

 

In addition, a 2018 special issue of Studies in Language entitled „Morphology and emotions across the world’s languages“ (https://benjamins.com/catalog/sl.42.1) is surely highly relevant to what you are looking for.

 

Best,

Bastian



Am 06.03.2023 um 09:29 schrieb Ponrawee Prasertsom <ponrawee.pra at gmail.com>:

 

Dear typologists,

 

There has been claims in the literature (Cinque, 2013) that (at least some) speakers' emotional states toward a situation such as "fear" and "worry" are not grammatically encoded in any language, where "grammatically encoded" means not encoded by closed-class items ("closed-class" in a morphosyntactic sense: a group of morphemes that occur in the same slot that do not easily admit new items and/or have few members). 

 

I am interested in examples of any grammaticalized marker for any emotional states (not necessarily "fear" and "worry"). I am interested in both markers of 1) the speaker's emotional states toward the situation being expressed as well as 2) of the subject's emotional states toward the situation. The class of the item could be bound (clitics, affixes) or free (particles, auxiliary verbs) as long as it could be shown to be (somewhat) closed. I am only interested in markers specialised for specific emotions, and not, e.g., impoliteness markers that could be used when the speaker is angry.

 

The "(un)happy about the verb" infixes -ei- and -äng- from the constructed language Na'vi would be the paradigm example of what I am looking for if they actually existed in a natural language.

 

A potential example is Japanese -yagatte, which some have told me have grammaticalised into an affix encoding anger about the action. I'm also looking into whether there is evidence that this is actually part of a closed-class and would appreciate any pointers/more information.

 

Thank you very much in advance.

 

Best regards,

Ponrawee Prasertsom

 

PhD student

Centre for Language Evolution

University of Edinburgh

 

References:

Cinque, G. (2013). Cognition, universal grammar, and typological generalizations. Lingua, 130, 50–65. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2012.10.007

 

 

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