[Lingtyp] Remind-Me particles across languages

[Benjamin Brosig]

Dear Jeanne,



in Khalkha Mongolian, there is a particle *bilee*, based on a defective
copula stem *bi*- and the (immediate) direct evidential suffix -*lAA*
(subject to vowel harmony). The particle is used in declaratives to state
something that you think your addressee knows and can remember (not unlike
German *ja*), cf. (22). There need not be any firsthand knowledge, cf.
(30). It is not uncommon in the initial part of newspaper articles when the
journalist wants to remind the reader what happened earlier before turning
to more recent events. In questions, it is used if one has forgotten what
one wanted to say, cf. (5) and (6). In polar questions, *bilüü* (<
*bilee=üü) would be used with the polar question particle =*UU*.
Interrogative *bilee* can be used to introduce a topic, cf. (26).



(22) *Ür xüüxd=en saiŋ yaw-axad ex eceg bayral-dag bilee*.

seed child=3POSS good go-CVB.when mother father feel.happy-HAB.PTCP RECOLL

‘When their children do well, their mother and father feel happy (as we all
know).’ (Brosig 2012: 14)



(30) *Učir=an neg ix udal=güi Philip II xorl-ogd-ož, Alexander Pers-iig
baild-aŋ dag-uul-ax ayan-d=aa mord-ood en ayn-aas=aa erg-ež ir-ee=güi bilee*.


‘Because Philip II was poisoned relatively soon, and Alexander set out to
his journey to submit Peria from which (was we all know) he would not
return.’ (Brosig 2012: 16)



(5) *Xezee xamg-iiŋ süül-d iišee or-ž ir-seŋ bilee? san-daggü=eee*.

when all-GEN last-DAT to.here enter-CVB come-PRF.PTCP RECOLL
remember-HAB.PTCP-NEG=EMPH

‘When did I come here the very last time? I don’t remember ...’ (Brosig
2012: 11)



(6) *Uučl-aarai! **Či xen bilee?*

excuse-IMP.HON you who RECOLL

‘Excluse me? Who are you (I should remember)?’ (Brosig 2012: 11)



(26) *Kompjuter-iiŋ virus ge-ž čuxam yuu bilee.*

computer-GEN virus QUOT.VERB-CVB eigentlich what RECOLL

‘Basically, what is a computer virus?’ (Brosig 2012: 14)



This recollection usage of *bilee* resembles similar uses the evidential
past suffix -*lAA*, but only in questions (cf. Brosig 2018: 63-64), not
declaratives. *Bilee* to some extent co-occurs with the assertive particle
*yum*, which in declaratives is potentially best analyzed as a marker of
subjective conviction (Brosig et al. 2019: 911-915), and in these contexts
*bilee* seems to be related to the speaker’s knowledge rather than
recollection, cf. (18). This should be explored more carefully, though. It
even occurs in desideratives like (15), with unclear function. There is a
particle *lee* that only follows the final verbal suffix -*n*, for which my
analysis in Brosig (2012: 13) has been contested, to my mind convincingly,
but without offering an alternative analysis.



(18) *Ter nuuc-iig ünxeer oloŋ xüŋ med-deg yum bilee.*

that secret-ACC really many people know-HAB.PTCP ASS RECOLL

‘This secret, really many people know it.’ (Brosig 2012: 13)



(15) *Boroo or-oosoi bilee!*

rain come-DES RECOLL

‘May it rain!’ (Brosig 2012: 13)



Best

Benjamin





Brosig, Benjamin. 2012. *bilee* sul ügijn utga, xereglee [The meaning and
function of the particle *bilee*]. *Xel zoxiol sudlal 5 (37)*: 10-18.



Brosig, Benjamin. 2018. Factual vs. evidential? - The past tense forms of
spoken Khalkha Mongolian. In: Ad Foolen, Helen de Hoop & Gijs Mulder
(eds.) *Evidence
for evidentiality*. Amsterdam: Benjamins: 45-75.



Brosig, Benjamin & Foongha Yap & Kathleen Ahrens. 2019. Assertion,
assumption and presupposition: an account of the erstwhile nominalizer YUM
in Khalkha Mongolian. *Studies in Language* 43(4): 896-940.
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