[Lingtyp] Associated motion markers with applicative uses: data request

[Mukhin Timofey]

Dear all,

I'm working on the typology of spatial markers with applicative uses, currently focusing on Associated Motion (AM) markers (Zúñiga & Creissels 2024; Guillaume & Koch 2021). I was wondering if anyone here has encountered markers similar to the ones below in the languages they work on and would be willing to share data.
For now, I'm primary interested in three types of AM markers:
· AM markers that, in addition to denoting AM, allow expression of a motion participant, such as the goal 'to her father' in (1) from Bystraja Even.

(1) Bystraja Even (Tungusic; Pakendorf & Stoynova 2021: 857)
      nan  ga-sči-na-ri-n            [akan-taki-n]         asatkam
      and  take-CONAT-AM-PST-3SG   father-ALL-POSS.3SG    girl.ACC
      ‘And he went to her father to ask for (lit. take) the girl (in marriage).’

· AM markers that can be used either with an AM or applicative function but not with both. An example is shown in (2) for the Paunaka marker -pu: in (2a) it denotes AM 'coming', while in (2c) it licenses core encoding of the goal 'town', a participant which is otherwise treated as a non-core participant (cf. 'field' in (2b)).

(2) Paunaka (Arawakan; Terhart 2024: 394-395)
      a.    nÿ-nekupu-bi.
            1SG-see.coming-2SG
            ‘I see you coming.’
      b.    pero       pi-yunu                 pi-sane-yae?
            but   2SG-go                    2SG-field-LOC
            ‘But did you go to your field?’
      c.     kuina     Jose       ti-yunu-pu          [uneku].
             NEG      José       3-go-DLOC          town
            ‘José isn’t here, he went to town.’

Here I'm particularly interested in cases where, in its applicative use, the marker introduces a non-spatial participant, as in (3c) from Nivaclé, where the AM marker -c’oya (3a) introduces the standard of comparison 'me'.

(3) Nivaclé (Matacoan; Fabre 2013: 11, Campbell et al. 2020: 407)
a.         j-ovalh-c’oya
1A(>3P)-watch-AM
‘I watch(ed), waiting for him/her/them to come.’
b.        lha         Esperanza          ni-pitej=a
FEN       Esperanza          NEG-be.tall=NEG
 ‘Esperanza is short. (lit. ‘Esperanza is not tall’)’
c.     a-pitej-yi-c’oya
            2S-be.tall-1-AM
            ‘You are taller than me.’

· AM markers that, in their applicative use, do not increase the number of participants but alter the semantic role of a non-S/A participant. For example in (4c) from Maasai, the ventive AM marker -ú/-ʊ́ (4a) changes the role of the object from source, cf. 'shop' in (4b), to theme, cf. 'pen' in (4c).

(4) Maasai (Eastern Nilotic; Payne 2021: 715, 720)
a.        páá        kánú      í-rás-ʊ́
then      when    2-attack-VEN
‘Then when are you coming to attack (us)?’
b.        á-púrr-íto                        ol=dúka
1SG-rob-PROG               M.SG=shop
‘I am stealing from the shop/robbing the shop.’
c.        á-púrr-ú            [ɛnk=alámu]     tɔ            l=dúkâ
1SG-rob-VEN   F.SG=pen            OBL       M.SG=shop.NOM
‘I will steal a pen from the market.’

I would be very grateful for any pointers or data.

Best,
Timofey Mukhin
University of Liège

Campbell, L., L. Díaz & F. Ángel. 2020. Nivaclé grammar. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. 636pp.
Fabre, A. 2013. Applicatives and associated motion suffixes in the expression of spatial relations: A view from Nivacle (Mataguayo family, Paraguayan Chaco) (unbublished manuscript).
Guillaume, A. & Koch, H. (eds.). 2021. Associated Motion, Berlin: De Gruyter.
Pakendorf, B. & N. Stoynova. 2021. Associated motion in Tungusic languages: a case of mixed argument structure. In Guillaume, A. & Koch, H. (eds.), Associated Motion, 855–898. Berlin: De Gruyter.
Payne, D.L. 2021. The extension of associated motion to direction, aspect and argument structure in Nilotic languages. In Guillaume, A. & Koch, H. (eds.), Associated motion, 695–746. Berlin: De Gruyter.
Terhart, L. 2024. A grammar of Paunaka. (Comprehensive Grammar Library 7). Berlin: Language Science Press.
Zúñiga, F. & D. Creissels. 2024. Applicative Constructions in the World’s Languages, Berlin, Boston: Mouton de Gruyter.
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