17.3023, Diss: Linguistic Theories/Morphology/Syntax: Billings: 'Approximati...'

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LINGUIST List: Vol-17-3023. Sun Oct 15 2006. ISSN: 1068 - 4875.

Subject: 17.3023, Diss: Linguistic Theories/Morphology/Syntax: Billings: 'Approximati...'

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1)
Date: 13-Oct-2006
From: Loren Billings < billings at ncnu.edu.tw >
Subject: Approximation in Russian and the Single-Word Constraint 

	
-------------------------Message 1 ---------------------------------- 
Date: Sun, 15 Oct 2006 19:36:37
From: Loren Billings < billings at ncnu.edu.tw >
Subject: Approximation in Russian and the Single-Word Constraint 
 


Institution: Princeton University 
Program: Slavic Languages 
Dissertation Status: Completed 
Degree Date: 1995 

Author: Loren A. Billings

Dissertation Title: Approximation in Russian and the Single-Word Constraint 

Dissertation URL:  http://roa.rutgers.edu

Linguistic Field(s): Linguistic Theories
                     Morphology
                     Syntax

Subject Language(s): Russian (rus)


Dissertation Director(s):
Leonard H. Babby

Dissertation Abstract:

Russian quantifiers are known for their complexity. This dissertation 
investigates expressions of indefinite quantity--specifically, 
accusative-assigning 'about' of approximate measure. 

This preposition has undergone a somewhat unique diachronic change which 
now requires that its complement consist of only a single word. I chronicle 
the advent of the single-word restriction (LONE-WD), showing historical 
data with multi-word complements of s. Adjective-noun and numeral-noun 
complements were once attested; Russian now requires only one word after . 

This study investigates various apparent exceptions to LONE-WD, which are 
violated only under very specific circumstances. These exceptions clarify 
the morphosyntax of 
-- paucal numerals ('two' through 'four' and the fractions 'half' and 
     <?cetvert'> 'quarter'), 
-- 'prequantifier' adjectives, 
-- syntactic compounds (adjective-noun sequences which inflect separately but  
     are treated by the syntax as a single word), and 
-- large-quantity numbers ( 'thousand' and greater). 

Distributions of special genitive-singular and -plural forms, assigned only 
by quantifiers, are shown to be distinct: Only paucal numerals in 
morphological nominative case assign 'ADPAUCAL' genitive-singular forms 
(such as end-stressed <?caSA> 'hours'); a number of elements, not just 
numerals, trigger 'COUNT' genitive-plural forms (<?celovek> 'people'). 
Other constructions discussed include 'approximately', 
approximative inversion, <`etak> 'about', and 'several': 

Quantification is not a syntactic category but a semantic feature for which 
is unmarked; is quantificational only if its sister is a 
quantifier. Otherwise is merely proximative: 'near'. Tests confirm 
that quantificational heads a prepositional phrase within the noun 
phrase. While most prepositional quantifiers have this structure, 
accusative-assigning is the relativized head of a hybrid phrase due to 
featural deficiencies. 

Numeral-noun complements of undergo approximative inversion--the noun 
moving to specifier position--to circumvent LONE-WD. Approximative 
inversion is likewise subject to a variant of LONE-WD, which requires a 
single PROSODIC word in the quantified constituent. When inversion is 
impossible a pleonastic count noun is inserted instead. 

An Optimality-Theoretic model is proposed, formalizing LONE-WD and 
constraints requiring prosodic contiguity and exceptions to LONE-WD caused 
by words expressing more closely defined measure. 




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