28.1553, Calls: Phonetics, Phonology/Poland

[The LINGUIST List]

LINGUIST List: Vol-28-1553. Wed Mar 29 2017. ISSN: 1069 - 4875.

Subject: 28.1553, Calls: Phonetics, Phonology/Poland

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Date: Wed, 29 Mar 2017 10:43:25
From: Geoff Schwartz [geoff at wa.amu.edu.pl]
Subject: Beyond VOT - Searching for Realism in Laryngeal Phonology

 
Full Title: Beyond VOT - Searching for Realism in Laryngeal Phonology 

Date: 18-Sep-2017 - 20-Sep-2017
Location: Poznań, Poland 
Contact Person: Geoff Schwartz
Meeting Email: geoff at wa.amu.edu.pl

Linguistic Field(s): Phonetics; Phonology 

Call Deadline: 21-Apr-2017 

Meeting Description:

Since Lisker & Abramson (1964), Voice Onset Time (VOT) has been the standard
for describing the phonetic realization of laryngeal contrasts in initial
stops. As an easily measurable phonetic property that appears to show
categorical behavior, VOT has become ubiquitous in empirical studies related
to laryngeal phonology, including cross-language comparisons, L2 acquisition
studies, as well as research on multi-lingualism. It has even been established
as the basis for a theory calling itself 'laryngeal realism' (Honeybone 2005;
Beckman et al. 2013), which argues for unary specification for laryngeal
features. 

Laryngeal realism in turn has gained widespread acceptance in recent decades,
since it appears to offer a straightforward link between phonological
categories and their phonetic realization. 
However, it is not difficult to identify chinks in the armor of both laryngeal
realism and VOT. Phoneticians have long been aware of a large number of other
cues to voice contrasts, which only infrequently find their way into
phonological descriptions. Many of these cues show behavior that is just as
categorical as VOT.  In addition, it is not difficult to identify cases in
which the predictions of laryngeal realism are not borne out, such as
phonologically active voicelessness in true-voice languages (Rubach 1996;
Wetzels & Mascaró 2001; Cyran 2014). 

In this session, we will reconsider the links between phonological laryngeal
specifications and their phonetic realization.  We are looking in particular
for contributions that seek to relate phonetic data to phonological
specifications, either by way of experimental study, or through formal
analyses that facilitate the formulation of new hypotheses for phonetic
research. 

Selected References:

Beckman, J., M. Essen & C. Ringen (2013). Evidence for laryngeal features:
aspirating vs. true-voice languages. Journal of Linguistics 49 (2), 259-284. 
Cyran, E. (2014). Between phonology and Phonetics – Polish Voicing. Berlin:
Mouton. 
Honeybone, P (2005). Diachronic evidence in segmental phonology: the case of
obstruent laryngeal specifications. In van Oostendorp, M. and van de Weijer,
J. (eds) The Internal Organization of Phonological Segments. Berlin: Mouton de
Gruyter, 319-354. 
Lisker, L. & A. Abramson (1964). A cross-language study of voicing in initial
stops: Acoustical measurements. Word 20, 384-422. 
Rubach, J. (1996). Non-syllabic analysis of voice assimilation in Polish.
Linguistic Inquiry 27, 69–110. 
Wetzels, D., J. Mascaró. (2001). The typology of voicing and devoicing.
Language 77 (2), 207-244.


2nd Call for Papers:

This session is part of the 47th Poznań Linguistic Meeting (PLM), which will
take place from 18-20 September in Poznań Poland. Submission of abstracts will
take place according to the guidelines on the PLM website
http://wa.amu.edu.pl/plm/2017/Abstract_submission The deadline for submission
to this session will be April 21, 2017

Possible questions for investigation may include the following:

- How 'primary' is VOT cross-linguistically as a perceptual cue?
- How do cross-linguistic VOT patterns relate to the use of other cues?
- To what extent is it feasible to merge specifications for voicing, tone, air
stream mechanisms and phonation types?
- Why don't languages contrast different categories of negative VOT?
- Is it possible to provide a phonological account of laryngeal patterns
without invoking markedness? Is this a desirable goal?
- Is it possible to reconcile the appeal of laryngeal realism in capturing the
VOT typology with the evidence that voiceless is phonologically active in
true-voice languages?




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