30.290, Confs: Linguistic Theories, Morphology, Phonology, Syntax/Spain

[The LINGUIST List]

LINGUIST List: Vol-30-290. Thu Jan 17 2019. ISSN: 1069 - 4875.

Subject: 30.290, Confs: Linguistic Theories, Morphology, Phonology, Syntax/Spain

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Date: Thu, 17 Jan 2019 23:50:50
From: Anna Pineda [anna.pineda at upf.edu]
Subject: 1st FARMM Challenge Formal Approaches to Romance Microvariation and Microcontact

 
1st FARMM Challenge Formal Approaches to Romance Microvariation and Microcontact 

Date: 15-Feb-2019 - 15-Feb-2019 
Location: Barcelona, Spain 
Contact: Anna Pineda 
Contact Email: formal.microvariation at gmail.com 
Meeting URL: http://formalmicrovariati.wixsite.com/farm 

Linguistic Field(s): Linguistic Theories; Morphology; Phonology; Syntax 

Meeting Description: 

The FARMM initiative organizes the first Challenge, a workshop oriented at
providing an answer to specific questions to a specific datasets within a
relevant phenomenon. The event will be held in Barcelona, 15 February 2019.
The empirical domain of this challenge is clitics. The datasets are the
following:

Dataset 1

Current syntactic analyses claim that in most Romance languages clitic
placement occurs in either T or v (Kayne 1991, Sportiche 1998, Roberts 2010,
Gallego 2016 a.o.). However, in several varieties proclitic/enclitic placement
is affected by phenomena/features encoded in C:
 
- in most Romance languages, clitic placement is affected by Finiteness, see
(1);
- in all medieval Romance languages and in present day western Ibero-Romance,
enclisis is forbidden in sentences featuring Focus/Wh fronting, see (2);
- subject clitic inversion is conditioned by illocutionary Force (Munaro
2010);
- enclisis is never permitted with complementisers introducing
irrealis/subjunctive clauses, whereas realis/indicative clauses are more
liberal with respect to clitic placement (see Fernández-Rubiera 2010;
Pescarini & Benincà 2014). If the two Cs are located respectively in Fin0 and
Force0 (Ledgeway 2007), the pattern in (3) and (4) confirms that C heads
affect cliticisation. 

(1) 
a. dice che lo sa (Italian)
pro.says that it= knows
‘He/she says that he/she know is’
b. Dice di saperlo
pro.says to know=it
‘He/she says that he/she know is’

(2)  
a. Quem me chamou / *chamou-me? (Port.)
Who 1.ACC= call.PST.3SG call.PST.3SG=1.ACC
‘Who called me?’ 
b. Só ele a entende / *entende-a
Only he 3SG.F= understand.3SG understand.3SG=3SG.F
‘Only he understands her’

(3) 
a. 'do:ʧə ka sə lu 'maɲɲə 'sɛmprə
says that to.him/her-self= it= eats always
b. 'do:ʧə ka 'maɲɲə sə lu 'sɛmprə
says that eats =to.him/her-self =it always
‘He/she says that he/she always eats it’

(4) 
a. 'wojə kə tə lu 'mɪɲɲə
I.want that to.you= it= eat
b. *'wojə kə 'mɪɲɲə te lu 
I.want that you.eat =to.yourself =it
‘I want you to eat it’

Dataset 2

Phonological analyses cannot always account for stress shift phenomena
triggered by enclitic placement, see (1) and (2). Enclisis/proclisis
asymmetries arguably result from a lexical alternation, as witnessed by
patterns of fully-fledged suppletion, cf. (3).  

(1) 
a. t o 'portə (Neapolitan)
you= it= I.bring
‘I’ll bring it to you’
b. porta-t-íllə
bring=to.yourself=him/them.M/it.M 
‘bring him/it.m/them for you’

(2) 
Finir-lù ‘to end it’ (Viozene, Lig.)
saver-lù ‘to know it’
portama-rù ‘let us take it’
vindirù ‘sell it’
servirsì ‘to help oneself’
 
(3) 
a. Il me le donne (French)
He to.me= it= gives
‘He gives it to me’
b. Donne-le-moi!
Give=it=to.me
‘Give it to me!’

The nature of the alternation, however, remains unclear. Ordóñez and Repetti
2006 argue that the alternation results from the presence of two classes of
pronouns, viz. weak vs clitic (but see Pescarini 2018 a.o.). However, one
wonders how the distribution of lexical variants – regardless of their inner
structure – is ultimately linked to (or affected by) the syntactic mechanisms
yielding proclitic/enclitic placement (see above).

Challenge --> See Call Information
Invited Speakers --> See Call Information
 

Program:

1st FARMM Challenge    
Formal Approaches to Romance Microvariation and Microcontact

Venue: Universitat Pompeu Fabra – Campus del Poblenou 
Roc Boronat, 138, Barcelona.
Room: Sala d'activitats 55.003

9:00 – 9:20:
Welcome 

9:20 – 10:00:
Francisco Ordóñez. The challenge. 1. Split configurations, clitics and weak
pronouns 

10:00 – 10:40: 
Maria Rita Manzini. The challenge. 2. Proclisis/enclisis alternations in
Romance: Microvariation and macrocategories in syntax

10:40 – 11:10: Coffee Break

11:10 – 11:50: 
Ian Roberts. The challenge. 3. Interactions of clitics with the left periphery

11:50 – 13:30: 
Challenge: discussion among the contenders + open question time

13:30 – 15:00: Lunch

15:00 – 15:35:
Clàudia Pons-Moll, Jordi Fortuny. Enclisis/proclisis alternation and
defectivity in Majorcan and Minorcan Catalan gerundenclitic sequences

15:35 – 16:10: 
Diego Pescarini. Some diachronic remarks on the emergence of Romance clitics

16:10 – 16:40: Coffee Break

16:40 – 17:15:
Paolo Lorusso, Andrea Moro. On the propredicative clitics in Italo-Romance

17:15 – 17:50:
Adolfo Ausín, Francisco Fernandez-Rubiera. Towards a uniform account of
accusative and dative clitic doubling

17:50 - ?: 
Conclusive roundtable

20:00:
Dinner at El Menjador de la Beckett (Pere IV, 228-232, Barcelona, Spain)





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