37.1562, Reviews: Locative and Existential Predication: Chris Lasse Däbritz, Josefina Budzisch, Rodolfo Basile (eds.) (2025)

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Subject: 37.1562, Reviews: Locative and Existential Predication: Chris Lasse Däbritz, Josefina Budzisch, Rodolfo Basile (eds.) (2025)

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Date: 24-Apr-2026
From: Philemon Victor Gomwalk [philgomwalk at gmail.com]
Subject: Historical Linguistics, Syntax, Typology: Chris Lasse Däbritz, Josefina Budzisch, Rodolfo Basile (eds.) (2025)


Book announced at https://linguistlist.org/issues/36-3144

Title: Locative and Existential Predication
Subtitle: On forms, functions and neighboring domains
Series Title: Research on Comparative Grammar
Publication Year: 2025

Publisher: Language Science Press
           http://langsci-press.org
Book URL: https://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/504

Editor(s): Chris Lasse Däbritz, Josefina Budzisch, Rodolfo Basile

Reviewer: Philemon Victor Gomwalk

Introduction
The papers included in the volume, ‘‘Locative and Existential
Predication’’ cover a wide range of topics, each focusing on different
aspects and categories of predication and existential construction
patterns in languages from different parts of the contemporary world.
Each paper strives to make in-depth and insightful contributions to a
deeper understanding of the respective topics covered in the volume.
Certain papers, namely, Chapters 3, 4, 5, 9, 10 & 11 in the volume
specifically address locative and existential clause patterns in
various languages and language families from around the world, each
approaching the topic from different theoretical perspectives and
focusing on different aspects of these construction-functions.
Summary
Chapter 1, Introduction (pp. 1-8), written collectively by the
editors, seeks to highlight key aspects of the succeeding chapters in
the volume. A careful review of the contents of the chapters indicates
that different authors interpret and apply the notions of “locative"
and "existential" predication within different methodological,
theoretical and analytical frameworks.  The discussion in this chapter
identifies and explores the structural characteristics, communicative
functions, and interconnected domains of locative and existential
predication across various languages. The overall structural viewpoint
that pervades much of the various treatments of locative and
existential predication processes in the volume, however, indicates
that locative clause types in languages sampled commonly anchor
definite referents to specific spatial contexts, while existential
clause types introduce new, often indefinite, referents into
discourse.
Chapter 2, Construction-functions versus construction-strategies (pp.
9-44) by Martin Haspelmath discusses William Croft’s (2022) concepts
of “constructions” and “strategies”. Haspelmath applies these labels
to a variety of linguistic phenomena, including existential clauses.
In the case of existential clauses, the central argument is that they
should be approached from a functional perspective, defined by their
semantic-pragmatic features. Accordingly, existential clauses are seen
as a construction-function rather than a construction-strategy.
Chapter 3, Locative/existential constructions in Southern Uto-Aztecan
languages (pp.45-88) by Lilián Guerrero examines locative and
existential clauses in several Southern Uto-Aztecan languages,
focusing on the type of predicate used in these clauses. While all the
analysed languages share the common feature of using postural and
similar verbs in locative and existential clauses, they display
considerable micro-typological variation, which Guerrero details
extensively. She concludes that, at least in Yaqui, existential
clauses derive from locative clauses, meaning that there is no
dedicated existential construction in the language.
Chapter 4, Locative phrases as arguments or adjuncts: Existential and
locative sentences in Greek (pp. 89-114) by Anna Kampanarou, analyses
Modern Greek (Indo-European) locative and existential clauses, with a
focus on the structure of the predicate in these clauses. Since the
predicate behaves differently in locative and existential clauses with
respect to diagnostic parameters such as the optionality of the
locative argument, preposition drop in the locative argument, and the
scope of quantifiers, Kampanarou argues that the syntactic structure
of locative and existential clauses cannot be identical.
Chapter 5, Locative and existential predication contrasts in Gawarbati
(Indo-Aryan) and the surrounding region (pp.115- 154) by Anastasia
Panova and Henrik Liljegren, explores variation in locative and
existential clauses in Gawarbati, an understudied Indo-Aryan language
spoken in Afghanistan and Pakistan, extending their analysis to
geographically adjacent languages. They show that word order,
indefiniteness marking, and the lexical choice of the predicate are
the three main factors distinguishing locative from existential
clauses. Additionally, they argue that information structure is not a
consistent criterion for distinguishing the two clause types.
Chapter 6, Predlocatives, existentials, and predpossessives in Nenets
(pp. 155-190) by Josefina Budzisch, examines the structure of
locative, existential, and possessive clauses in Tundra and Forest
Nenets, endangered Uralic languages spoken in Western Siberia. Her
analysis of corpus data reveals that locative clauses are formed by
two copula verbs, displaying an animacy-based split, while existential
and possessive clauses typically include an existential verb as the
linking element. Furthermore, in existential and possessive clauses,
quantified figure and possessee referents correlate with (zero) copula
structures rather than the existential verb.
Chapter 7, Language contact and the obsolescence of the Definiteness
Effect: New data from Spanish in contact with Catalan (pp.191-214) by
Jorge Agulló, begins with the observation that the Definiteness Effect
is strong in Spanish (Indo-European) existential clauses but weak in
their Catalan (Indo-European) counterparts. He then discusses how
Spanish varieties in contact with Catalan behave in this context,
showing that the Definiteness Effect weakens in Spanish varieties that
are in close contact with Catalan. It has long been noted that
locative and existential clauses share formal properties with
possessive clauses in many languages around the world. Four papers in
this volume examine various facets of these co-expression patterns and
the underlying grammaticalization pathways.
Chapter 8, Be/have’ verbs in historical perspective (pp.215-244) by
Denis Creissels, discusses ‘be/have’-verbs as a type of linking
element found in locative, existential, and possessive clauses. He
defines these verbs as having the ability to function as ‘have’-verbs
in possessive clauses, as existential predicators in existential
clauses, and as copulas in locative clauses. In addition to providing
a global typological survey of ‘be/have’-verbs, Creissels outlines
five grammaticalization pathways for the emergence of these verbs.
Chapter 9, Transitive have-verbs in possessive and existential clauses
in Siberian Uralic languages (pp.245- 266) by Chris Lasse Däbritz,
analyses transitive ‘have’-verbs in three Siberian Uralic languages
(Khanty, Mansi and Nganasan ), describing their distributional
patterns and arguing that at least Khanty and Mansi provide clear
instances of transitive ‘have’-verbs used in existential clauses. He
further demonstrates that the Siberian Uralic languages strongly
support the theoretical assumptions regarding the spread of transitive
‘have’-verbs into existential clauses.
Chapter 10, An information structure analysis of locative,
existential, and possessive clauses in Wakhi (pp. 267-302) by Erin
SanGregory, examines locative, existential, and possessive clauses in
Wakhi, an Iranian language spoken in Afghanistan, showing that the
three clause types share almost identical morphosyntactic structures.
Additionally, she argues that it is the information structure that
disambiguates the three types of clauses.  Additionally, they argue
that information structure is not a consistent criterion for
distinguishing the two clause types. It has long been noted that
locative and existential clauses share formal properties with
possessive clauses in many languages around the world. Four papers in
this volume examine various facets of these coexpression patterns and
the underlying grammaticalization pathways. Finally, three papers
address additional coexpression patterns and grammaticalization
pathways that cannot be subsumed under a single overarching concept.
Chapter 11, Distinguishing between existential and predicative
possessive clauses in Turkic (pp.303-330) by Birsel Karakoç explores
the coexpression of existential and possessive clauses in Turkic
languages and how these clause types can be disambiguated. Most
importantly, Karakoç argues that in existential clauses, the possessor
and possessee form a single noun phrase, whereas in possessive
clauses, they do not. This distinction has several syntactic
consequences. Finally, three papers address additional coexpression
patterns and grammaticalization pathways that cannot be subsumed under
a single overarching concept.
Chapter 12, Spatial relations and valence extension: Multifunctional
spatial markers in Mocoví (pp. 331-366) by Cristián Juarez, examines
Mocoví, a Guaycuruan language spoken in Argentina; its locative
markers are essential for the expression of locative clauses. Beyond
this function, these markers also play a role in valence extension,
demonstrating a multifunctionality that has not yet been acknowledged
in typological literature.
Chapter 13, Inventive-locational constructions in the languages of
Europe (pp.367-402) by Rodolfo Basile, describes so-called inventive
verbs in several Indo-European languages. He argues that these verbs
are derived from a root meaning ‘find’, and that their middle or
passive forms can function as linking elements in locative and
existential clauses.
Chapter 14, Posture verbs in locative and existential predication
across three Australian languages (pp. 403-442) by Eleanor Yacopetti,
Laurits Stapput Knudsen, and Tom Ennever, analyses postural verbs in
three Australian languages, investigating their role in locative and
existential clauses. The authors show that the use of postural verbs
in these clause types depends, among other factors, on the animacy of
the figure referent and varies significantly across the languages
studied.
Evaluation
The volume explores the formal and functional aspects of locative,
existential and possessive predications across various languages,
highlighting their similarities and differences. In addition to making
useful references to some key studies on locative, existential and
possessive predications, chapters in the volume also emphasise
theoretical differentiation between locative, existential and
possessive clauses. While locative clauses are identified as those
anchoring definite referents in a spatial context, existential clauses
are, on the other hand, characterised as introducing new, often
indefinite, referents into discourse. In a homorganic fashion, each
chapter in the volume provides perceptible continuity in the
identification and exploration of the structural characteristics,
communicative functions, and interconnected domains of locative and
existential predication across sampled languages.
To assess the overall value of the discussions undertaken in the
volume, I closely sampled and inter-rated the contents of five (5)
specific contributions out of the 14-chapter volume, utilising two
intersecting measures. The first measure is linked to the theoretical
and empirical application of foundational notions/concepts connected
with currently available research studies on existential and locative
predication, while the second measure focuses on the depth of
arguments provided on the specific topics of discourse subject matter
in each sampled chapter in the volume, alongside all accompanying
empirical data sets, cross-reference citations and illustrations.
Close review of these five specific chapters provided what I
considered ‘representative perspectives' on the general contents of
the volume, for the benefit of potential readers.
The first premium contribution on my review list is Chapter 2 by
Martin Haspelmath.  In this chapter, Haspelmath is able to highlight
and establish important theoretical parameters within which other
volume contributors were able to situate and further develop their
arguments and analyses of existential and locative predication in
specific sampled languages of the world. He establishes such
parameters by eloquently advocating for a delicate distinction between
‘formally-defined’ and ‘functionally-defined’ operations of locative
and existential constructions in languages (see Section 2.1, p.9-11 in
the volume for more detailed discussion of these and other related
points). He further argues that this necessitates maintaining a
contrast between two modes of typological comparison of grammatical
constructions: involving ‘construction-functions’ versus
‘construction-strategies that languages often use (see Section 2.2,
p.11-15 in the volume for more detailed discussion of these and other
related points).
In Haspelmath’s interpretation of the contrast mentioned above, a
construction-strategy can be both a construction and a strategy;
however, a construction-function is primarily a construction but not
always a function in the strict sense. Thus, as he points out, ‘‘...we
sometimes talk about ‘construction A encoding (or expressing) a
construction B’, or a language having ‘construction A for construction
B …or we even talk about different constructions used in a language
“for the comparative construction” (see Section 2.8, pp. 34-35 in the
volume for further elaboration). (Also see Croft, 2022, for further
elaboration of a similar viewpoint. Haspelmath further notes that
although both types of grammatical constructions are commonly found in
languages, they may also be used in different ways. To be able to
retain some measure of theoretical clarity, he suggests it is proper
to recognise the above-mentioned distinction, especially in the
discussion of issues relating to locative and existential predication.
The second premium contribution on my review list is Chapter 3 by
Lilián Guerrero. In this chapter, Guerrero identifies and critically
analyses types of locative predicates across Southern Uto-Aztecan
languages.   The author is able to demonstrate the existence and
operations of a number of grammatical characteristics of some sampled
Southern Uto-Aztecan languages. These characteristics include, but are
not limited to, the fact that these languages exhibit a rich inventory
of locative predicates, which include the presence of postural,
general locative, existential, and positional verb types for further
elaboration (see Sections 3.1 - 3.3, pp. 46 - 66 in the volume for
more detailed discussion of these and other related points).
While some languages like Mayo and Nahuatl are identified and
typologically categorized as single set languages (based on the
existence of only one general locative verb type), Guerrero can show
that other languages like Huastec Nahuatl, Northern & Southern
Tepehuan can be treated as small-set languages, and yet other
languages like Yaqui can be categorized as an intermediate-set
language – based on the availability of multiple locative verb types
(see Sections 3.4 – 3.6, pp. 66- 81 in the volume for more detailed
discussion of these and other related points).  Valuable conclusions
and future research directions in the study of domains of existential
and locative predication are also provided by the same author in
Section 3.6, pp.81-82, in the volume.
The third premium contribution on my review list is Chapter 6 by
Josefina Budzisch. In this chapter, Budzisch provides a comparative
analysis of distinct patterns in the use of verbal elements across the
Nenets group of languages.  The author is able to demonstrate that the
variety, Tundra Nenets, prefers to encode animacy intrinsically in its
choice of verbs deployed in existential grammatical constructions,
while a second variety, Forest Nenets, prefers more variable forms of
encoding in similar type of constructions (see Sections 6.1 & 6.2, pp.
155- 163 in the volume for more detailed discussion of these and other
related points). Budzisch is also able to provide and validate the
following interesting facts about the operations of existential
predication in Tundra Nenets. First, existential sentences primarily
utilize the existential verbal element /tańa-/, with a few other
verbal forms also present; second, the existential verbal element
/tańa-/ occurs in approximately 49.47 percent of existential
sentences; third, the zero copula is used in 26.32 percent of cases,
primarily with quantifiers; fourth, the copula element/ŋa-/ appears in
21.05 percent of sentences, often with quantifiers; fifth, instances
of using posture verbs are rare, estimated at 1.05 percent; sixth, the
animacy distribution pattern shows approximately 25.53 percent for the
use of the verbal element /tańa-/  and 50 percent for the element
/ŋa-/ (see Section 6.3, pp. 168 - 173 for more detailed discussion of
these and other related points).
In relative contrast to what obtains in Tundra Nenets, Budzisch’s
chapter also shows the following unique aspects about Forest Nenets.
First, the variety exhibits a more complex structure in existential
sentences, with the existential verbal element /tad’a-/ used in 21.28
percent of sentences; second, zero copula accounts for approximately
21.28 percent of cases, often with unmodified noun phrases; third, the
copula element/ŋa-/ is used in approximately 17.02 percent of
sentences, primarily with inanimate figures; fourth, the combination
of the element /tad’a-/ and the element /me-/ appears in approximately
6.38 percent of cases, specifically for kinship relations; sixth, the
animacy distribution shows approximately 10 percent for the use of the
verbal element /tad’a-/ and approximately 80 percent for the element
/me-/ (see Section 6.4, pp. 173 - 177 in the volume for more detailed
discussion of these and other related points).
The fourth premium chapter on my review list is Chapter 10 by Erin
SanGregory.  The analyses that SanGregory offers in this chapter
differ in certain respects from comparable ones provided by other
authors in the volume. This is because they not only highlight
formal–structural dimensions but also deal with pragmatic and
rhetorical operations of locative, existential, and possessive clause
patterns as observed in narrative discourse in Wakhi, an Iranian
language spoken in Afghanistan. The analyses focus on a narrative
discourse topic and are mediated within an information-structure
standpoint. SanGregory’s overall discussion in the chapter can reveal
that while most locative clauses in this language are aligned along a
typical [FIG GRNDDEF (COP)] structure pattern, the ‘definiteness of
the figure’ [FIG] element in this pattern may vary in limited
instances. The analyses also show that a typical [(GRND) FIGINDF
(COP)] structure pattern predominates in existential clauses, with the
‘ground’ [GRND] element of an existential construction being
optionally definite or indefinite in nature (see Sections 10.2, pp.
269 - 272 in the volume for further elaboration on this point).
Similarly, the accompanying discussion by SanGregory also shows that
in most possessive clauses in Wakhi, the ‘possessor’ [POSR] element
occurs clause-initially in a [POSRDEF POSDINDF (COP)] structure
pattern. SanGregory’s analyses additionally reveal that a typical
[POSDINDF POSRDEF (COP)] structure pattern may also be observed for
clauses in which the ‘possessee’ occurs in initial position in the
construction. From an initial and casual reading of SanGregory’s
treatment of narrative discourse structure in Wakhi (as this relates
to locative, existential, and possessive clauses), it may appear that
he accepts ‘word order’ to be a useful basis for identifying and
accounting for the grammatical functioning of such clause types (see
Section 10.3, pp.272-273 in the volume for further elaboration on this
point). However, in subsequent sections of his chapter, SanGregory is
able to establish and convincingly argue that the use of formal word
order alone is insufficient to distinguish adequately between
locative, existential, and possessive clause types; nor is it adequate
in explaining why multiple syntactic variations are possible for each
type of clause commonly observed in Wakhi narrative discourse
structure (see Section 10.3, pp.273-282 in the volume for further
elaboration on this point).
Given this identified insufficiency associated with the use of a ‘word
order’ approach alone, SanGregory chooses to embrace but combine it
with a broader, ‘usage-based’ approach to analysing locative,
existential, and possessive clauses in Wakhi. In doing this, he
approaches the analysis of his language data within the framework of
this integrated word order-cum- information structure approach, which
focuses on discovering and comprehensively highlighting clause
patterns within expanded parameters of ‘pragmatic function’,
‘narrative topic, and ‘rhetorical focus’. Based upon these parameters,
SanGregory is able to identify and exhaustively analyse the majority
of the syntactic variations found in locative, existential, and
possessive clauses in Wakhi (see Section 10.4, pp.283-294 in the
volume for further elaboration on this point).
The first of the patterns is that with basic [(TOP) FOC (COP)]
information structure, which captures the constituent structure of
such clause types as existential clauses, predicational locatives, and
predicational possessives. The second of the identified patterns is
that with the format [FOC TOP (COP)]. This presentational pattern
represents a marked pragmatic structure and contributes to the
projection of emphatic discourse meaning in most narrative discourse
contexts; it is typically found in presentational locatives and as
part of possessive constituent structures in languages. The occurrence
of the [FOC TOP (COP)] information structure format often serves to
introduce significant new referents into any given narrative discourse
(see Section 10.4, pp.283-289 in the volume for further elaboration on
this point).
It is significant to note that SanGregory’s discussion of Wakhi
narrative discourse structure points out that the incorporation of any
‘copula-like’ element as part of the structural framework of any of
the two formats mentioned above hardly contributes much to their
ultimate semantic or rhetorical interpretation (or effect) in everyday
understanding of narrative discourse. The primary function of an
identifiable ‘copula’ (or other ‘copula-like’ elements) in many
languages is to convey grammatical meaning, particularly as it is
reflected in the notions of tense, polarity, and subjunctive mood,
which cannot otherwise be indicated on a nonverbal semantic predicate.
This fact about the grammatical function of the copula (and other
copula–like elements) is duly recognised by SanGregory in his
treatment of locative, existential, and possessive clauses in Wakhi.
Thus, he notes appropriately that no copula element is observable in
the narrative discourse structure of Wakhi in nonverbal clauses. For
this reason, he maintains that neither the presence nor the absence of
the copula element adversely affects the grammaticality of affirmative
non-past clauses in the Wakhi language (see Section 10.4, pp.289-292
in the volume for further elaboration on this point).
The overall significance of SanGregory’s discussion in Chapter 10 is
established from three integrated perspectives. First, SanGregory’s
discussion must have been undertaken by adopting a pragmatic,
‘information structure-based’ (i.e. narrative discourse) approach,
instead of a constrictive, ‘formal-structural’ approach to analyse
locative, existential, and possessive clauses in Wakhi. Second, in
using pragmatic, usage-based procedures in carrying out the task,
SanGregory’s discussion must also be able to identify and categorise
the relevant information–bearing patterns and clause construction
structures associated with Wakhi, as well as proposing possible
explanations for why Wakhi speakers choose one particular construction
structure over another in specific (individualised) speech events.
Third, SanGregory’s discussion must be able to sufficiently
demonstrate that information structure strongly influences the
syntactic operations of locative, existential, and possessive clauses
in Wakhi. In so doing, SanGregory has not only confirmed the necessity
of including pragmatic factors in emerging syntactic modelling
research pursuits (see Mithun, 1987 and Payne, 1993 for similar
linguistic advocacy calls), but has also provided a foundational basis
for examining other aspects of Wakhi syntax from a functional
perspective.
The final premium chapter on my review list is Chapter 9 by Chris
Lasse Däbritz. In this chapter, Däbritz is able to establish the
cross-linguistic occurrence of transitive ‘have-like’ verbal elements
in some Siberian Uralic languages (see Section 9.2, pp.247-249 for
further elaboration).  In particular, Däbritz explores how such verbal
elements operate within existential clauses in Khanty, Mansi, Nganasan
and Saami languages. In comparing these languages, he is able to show
the proportionally decreasing occurrence of specific ‘have-like’ verb
elements as core constituents of existential clauses in Khanty, Mansi,
and Nganasan. The explanations (as well as examples cited from each
language) offer interesting insights regarding the unique pathway that
each language adopts to realise the process of grammaticalisation (see
Section 9.3, pp.249-255 for further elaboration).
In evaluating the overall significance of the data which he cites
within a predominantly typological framework, Däbritz argues that the
data from Khanty, Mansi and Nganasan, in particular, convincingly
support previous work and claims made by, inter alia, Chappell & Lü
(2022) and Creissels (2023). From my own evaluative viewpoint, I am
convinced that the in-depth discussion found in Däbritz’s chapter on
the grammatical representation of existential verbal prediction in
Khanty, Mansi, and Nganasan shows how fruitful the work with language
corpora can be for language typology, especially when it comes to
co-expression patterns and ambiguities (see Section 9.4, pp. 257-261
for further elaboration for further elaboration).
The expansive and well-illustrated discussion provided in Däbritz’s
chapter points to the encouraging research outcomes that can emerge
from corpus-based studies, and how such outcomes can, profitably, be
used to complement results derived from studies on linguistic
typology. In this particular respect, studies from corpus linguistics
and linguistic typology can be viewed as being mutually beneficial to
each other. Consequently, similar studies to that of Däbritz on
co-expression patterns and grammaticalisation pathways in the realm of
verbal  ( and, perhaps, non-verbal) existential predication are
urgently needed in cross-linguistic research settings and hold promise
for expanding existing dimensions of universal research in locative
and existential predications.
In broad evaluative terms, each of the 14 chapters in the volume
adequately provides rigorous theoretical clarifications on key
terminologies as well as detailed empirical analyses connected with
predlocative, locative, existential and possessive morpho-syntactic
constituents and construction patterns in under-described languages.
The contributions collectively strive to provide viable empirical
criteria for identifying, describing and understanding the structural
and functional dynamics underlying these constructions. They also seek
to establish and to discuss their relative frequency and usage in
natural discourse in specific languages in insightful terms.
It must, however, be noted that the analyses offered in the volume
also seem to indicate that productive empirical research on the
cross-linguistic diversity of locative and existential predications in
languages is still under-explored, despite its significance in global
linguistic research. This inherent research gap needs to be gradually
redressed through the conduct and eventual publications of the results
and findings of new studies on locative and existential predications
in other world languages.
If I am hard-pressed to identify the common enduring quality of all
contributions in the volume, I would confidently point to their
rigorous, individual interrogation of established views on
formal-structural distinctions between locative and existential
predications. In some chapters, authors have offered and advocated for
substantive refinement of pre-existing theoretical concepts and
readjustment of research methods and procedures. In this regard, I am
impressed and intrigued by the innovative theoretical suggestions and
insights offered by both Martin Haspelmath in Chapters 2 and by Denis
Creissels in Chapter 8 on how to define, categorise, and re-interpret
grammatical constituents and semantic notions associated with
existential, locative, possessive and predication processes in
different languages. I commend the articulate definitions and robust
theoretical argumentations provided by all contributors to the volume
on various specific topics and areas of research connected with
existential, locative, possessive and predication processes in
languages. I am particularly impressed by the lucid handling of key
concepts and rigorous analysis of the empirical data provided by
SanGregory in Chapter 10 on the narrative discourse structure in
Wakhi. I also find the decision to use a combination of
‘formal-structure’ and ‘information-structure approaches' by
SanGregory in Chapter 10 (to analyse existential, locative and
predication clauses in Wakhi) to be both appropriate and justifiable,
from theoretical and methodological viewpoints. This is because, in
counterpoint to the predominant use of ‘structure-formal’ approaches
by other chapter contributors in the volume, SanGregory’s adoption of
an eclectic analytical approach provides him with broader parameters
for investigating, revealing and understanding basic grammatical,
semantic and rhetorical characteristics of clauses in Wakhi, but can
also be replicated to the study of higher order-pragmatic human
discourse in other comparable languages of the world.
On the whole, all contributions in the reviewed volume offer
alternative viewpoints on the broad subject matter of how to define,
categorise, describe and, ultimately, interpret the grammatical and
semantic characteristics of existential, locative and predication
clauses in different languages. This plurality of theoretical,
methodological, and analytical perspectives suggests that the orthodox
boundaries often maintained between these construction types can be
considerably blurred (or established to be even nonexistent) in many
languages. In this respect, the contents of the volume generally
encourage a critical reevaluation of how these grammatical predication
constructs are theoretically perceived, analytically defined and
empirically delineated in future studies.
In conclusion, the volume provides a comprehensive and diverse
exploration of locative and existential predication across languages,
highlighting both typological variation and the intricate
relationships between form, function, and grammaticalization. The
contributions from different linguistic traditions and theoretical
perspectives deepen our understanding of these fundamental
constructions and encourage a rethinking of the boundaries between
‘core’ and ‘peripheral’ syntactic categories. The volume of papers
collectively offers valuable insights into how languages embody and
express semantic notions of existence, location, and possession,
opening up newer avenues for understanding the connections between
linguistic meaning and grammatical structure
References
Basile, Rodolfo. 2025. Invenitive-locational constructions in the
languages of Europe. In Chris Lasse Däbritz, Josefina Budzisch &
Rodolfo Basile (eds.), Locative and existential predication: On forms,
functions and neighbouring domains, 377– 413. Berlin: Language Science
Press.
Budzisch, Josefina. 2025. Predlocatives, existentials and
predpossessives in Nenets. In Chris Lasse Däbritz, Josefina Budzisch &
Rodolfo Basile (eds.), Locative and existential predication: On forms,
functions and neighboring domains, 163–197. Berlin: Language Science
Press.
Creissels, Denis. 2025. ‘Be/have’ verbs in historical perspective. In
Chris Lasse Däbritz, Josefina Budzisch & Rodolfo Basile (eds.),
Locative and existential predication: On forms, functions and
neighboring domains, 223–253. Berlin: Language Science Press.
Croft, William. 2022. Morphosyntax: Constructions of the world’s
languages (Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics). Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Däbritz, Chris Lasse. 2025. Transitive have-verbs in possessive and
existential clauses in Siberian Uralic languages. In Chris Lasse
Däbritz, Josefina Budzisch & Rodolfo Basile (eds.), Locative and
existential predication: On forms, functions and neighboring domains,
255–275. Berlin: Language Science Press.
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About the Reviewer
Philemon Gomwalk is a teacher and researcher, currently affiliated
with the University of Jos in Nigeria, with research interests in the
diachronic linguistic study and analysis of languages belonging to the
Chadic sub-phylum of Afro-Asiatic within the Nigerian sociolinguistic
environment.



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