aspirated and unaspirated caga

[Koontz John E]

Except that, though these forms pattern alike in Osage, they pattern
differently in Omaha-Ponca:

Dakotan          Omaha-Ponca     Osage

kagha/kic^agha   gaghe/giaghe    gaghe/ks^ighe       'make'

kuNza/kic^uNza   gaNze/giaNze    koNze/ks^ioNze      'demonstrate, teach'

ya/khiya         dhe/khidhe      dhe/ks^idhe          causative

It certainly looks like these forms have been analogized to the causative
pattern in Osage, and Bob's khiaNze in Kaw tends to confirm this, showing
that ks^ is *kh (the normal situation in Osage) and not some special
treatment of *ky (which was what I had actually been thinking).  I'd have
expected the Kaw form for 'to make' to be khi(i/a)ghe, too, but since it
isn't I wonder what's up there?

OP and Da treat the causative as if the dative were formed on a suppletive
stem *hirE, handled as an h-stem.  Presumably the same pattern was
inherited in Osage.  I believe it occurs in Kaw and Quapaw, too.  But,
while Da africates (palatalized k after i) and OP deletes the stem initial
g (< *k), Osage and Kaw seem to have remodelled things on a basis of the
causative, substituting hiV for kV in the stem underlying the dative.  I
wonder if we have here some trace of the logic that underlies the
replacement of *ka by *ki in Ioway-Otoe and Winnebago?


On Mon, 12 Aug 2002, Carolyn Quintero wrote:

> Off the top of my head, I think this is the same phenomenon in Osage:
> :
> OS ki-ka:'ghe -> ks^i'ghe
>  dative - make/do
>
> OS ki-hkoN'ze -> ks^i'oNze
>   dative-teach
>
> OS ki -ki'dhe -> ks^i'dhe
>   dat - cause to do  -> cause to do [? for that person's own good]
>
> Carolyn