Marking of possessor and A and/or S with the same set of affixes

Jorge Emilio Rosés Labrada jrosesla at UWO.CA
Thu Mar 20 18:07:01 UTC 2014


Dear Martin (if I may),

Thank you for the references. These will prove to be most useful,
especially Siewierska (It is nice to have some quantitative typological
data).

Regards,
Jorge


On Wed, Mar 19, 2014 at 4:18 PM, Martin Haspelmath <haspelmath at eva.mpg.de>wrote:

>  The classic reference on this is:
>
>  Siewierska, Anna. 1998. On nominal and verbal person marking. *Linguistic
> Typology* 2(1). 1–56.
>
>  She examines a world-wide sample of 157 languages and finds that 83% of
> the languages with person indexes on both nouns and verbs have "some degree
> of phonemic correspondence between the two sets of forms". Similarity of
> possessor indexes with A indexes and with P indexes is about equally common.
>
> Two earlier important references are:
>
>  Allen, W. Sidney. 1963. Transitivity and possession. *Language* 40.
> 337–343.
>   Seiler, Hansjakob. 1983. Possessivity, subject and object. *Studies in
> Language* 7. 89–117.
>
> Greetings,
> Martin
>
>
> On 19.03.14 18:25, Francoise Rose wrote:
>
>  Dear Jorge,
>
>
>
> This is in fact quite frequent, due to the similar origin of possessor
> indexes and argument indexes in the same set of independent pronominals.
>
>
>
> Dixon and Aikhenvald (1999) state about Amazonian languages that "the
> bound pronominal forms marking a possessor within an NP are typically the
> same as one of the bound pronominal paradigms for marking core arguments of
> a clause."
>
>
>
> Possessor may be indexed like P (Tupi-Guarani, Jê, Cf. Emerillon examples
> below), or like A (Arawak, cf. Mojeño examples below).
>
>
>
> Emérillon (Tupi-Guarani, French Guyana)
>
> (1)               *a-**nupã*
>
>
> 1sg.*I*-hit
>
>             'I hit him.'
>
>
>
> (2)               zawa‰ *e-*su¿u
>
>
>          dog        1sg.*II*-bite
>
>             'A dog bit me.'
>
>
>
> (3)               *e-*men
>
>          1sg.*II*-husband
>
>             'my husband'
>
>
>
> Mojeño Trinitario (Arawak, Bolivia)
>
>
>
> (4)               *n-*echjiko-'e
>
>             1sg-talk.to-2pl
>
>             'I am talking to you.'
>
>
>
> (5)               a-jañok*-nu*-yre
>
> 2pl-watch.over-1sg-fut
>
> 'You will watch over me.'
>
>
>
> (6)               *n-*ousa
>
>   1sg-village
>
>             'my village'
>
>
>
> The pattern you are interested in is found throughout the Arawak family.
>
>
>
> Best,
>
> Françoise
>
>
>
>
>
> *De :* Discussion List for ALT [mailto:LINGTYP at LISTSERV.LINGUISTLIST.ORG<LINGTYP at LISTSERV.LINGUISTLIST.ORG>]
> *De la part de* Jorge Emilio Rosés Labrada
> *Envoyé :* mercredi 19 mars 2014 17:07
> *À :* LINGTYP at LISTSERV.LINGUISTLIST.ORG
> *Objet :* Marking of possessor and A and/or S with the same set of affixes
>
>
>
>
>  Dear everyone,
>
> Mako [wpc] employs the same set of affixes to mark the possessor on the
> possessed noun (See example (1) below) and to mark the A and the S on the
> verb (See examples (2) and (3) below). I was wondering if you were familiar
> with other languages that share this feature (i.e., same set of markers for
> nominal possession and verbal subject marking) and could let me know. I am
> particularly interested in Amazonian languages (especially languages from
> the North West Amazon) but information on any language will be most
> welcome.
>
> Thanks in advance for your help. Best,
>
> Jorge
>
>
> 1) *ʧɨ-bahale*
>
> *    1sg-eye*
>
>
>
> *    'my eye' 2) ileka      ʧɨ-kɨkɨd-obe*
>
> *    cassava  1sg-dry-TAM*
>
>
>
> *    'I dry cassava' 3) ʧɨ̃-hãmat-obe*
>
> *     1sg-stand_up-TAM*
>
> *     'I stand up/get up'*
>
> --
> Jorge Emilio Rosés Labrada
> PhD candidate & Vanier Canada Graduate Scholar
> Department of French Studies (Linguistics)
> University of Western Ontario
>
>
>


-- 
Jorge Emilio Rosés Labrada
PhD candidate & Vanier Canada Graduate Scholar
Department of French Studies (Linguistics)
University of Western Ontario
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