[Lingtyp] call for papers: workshop on 'polysemy and coercion of clause-embedding predicates', march 8-10, 2017, saarbrücken
barbara.stiebels at uni-leipzig.de
Fri Jul 22 13:53:00 UTC 2016
Second call for abstracts
Workshop /*Polysemy and coercion of clause-embedding predicates*/
Session of the annual conference of the German Linguistics Society
Location: Saarbrücken, Germany
Date: March 8-10, 2017
Organizers: Marie-Luise Popp & Barbara Stiebels (Universität Leipzig)
Unlike typical Standard Average European languages such as German or
English, many under-researched languages display only a small inventory
of clause-embedding (or “complement-taking”) predicates (CEPs), with the
consequence that many of these predicates are highly polysemous or vague
(e.g., /nɔrkatɛ/ (Lonwolwol; Paton 1973): ‘grasp, believe, trust,
remember etc.’). But even in languages with a richer inventory of CEPs,
polysemy appears in many facets (e.g., English /tell/ ‘narrate, order,
inform’ or Spanish /esperar/ ‘hope, wish, expect, demand’). The polysemy
of the predicates may influence their complementation patterns (e.g.,
/know that/ vs. /know how to/): often, only polysemous CEPs show the
full range of the language-specific complementation patterns, with close
associations of complementation types and specific readings of the
polysemous CEP. Other distributional properties are also affected by
polysemy, for instance: (a) the dual use of ‘begin’, ‘start’, ‘stop’,
‘promise’, ‘threaten’ and possibly other predicates as raising and
control predicates; (b) the restriction of NEG-raising with Spanish
/esperar/ to its ‘expect’ reading (Popp 2016); (c) the reading-specific
selection of mood/modality in the embedded clause (Spanish /sentir/:
‘feel’ with indicative, ‘regret’ with subjunctive).
Predicates that do not exhibit clausal arguments in their base entry may
be turned into CEPs, e.g., verbs of sound emission (/shriek/ → /shriek
that/ ...). Here, notions such as “coercion” (Pustejovsky 1995, Asher
2011), “lexical subordination” (Levin and Rapoport 1988) or “conflation”
(Talmy 1985) may be brought into play. The syntactic flexibility of
restricted CEPs can also be enhanced by coercion (e.g., the factive
German CEP /bedauern/ ‘regret’ may be used parenthetically if
interpreted as ‘utter with regret’).
Invited speaker: Elizabeth Bogal-Allbritten (Simon Fraser University)
We invite abstracts for 30min talks (including discussion period)
dealing with the following questions (inter alia):
* Which patterns of polysemy can be observed in CEPs? Are there
predictable/systematic patterns of polysemy?
* Are there cross-linguistic tendencies of co-lexification in CEPs?
The CLICS data-base (http://clics.lingpy.org/), for instance,
reveals that ‘ask’ often shows up with the two readings ‘question’
and ‘request’. Likewise, ‘believe’ and ‘think’ and ‘know’ and
‘understand’, respectively, are co-lexified in quite a number of
* Which distributional properties of CEPs are affected by polysemy?
* Which coercion patterns yield CEPs or affect CEPs? Does the
availability of coercion depend on general conflation patterns in
the respective languages? Do CEPs resulting from coercion exhibit
specific complementation patterns?
* How should the polysemy of CEPs be modeled?
* Are there specific diachronic processes that lead to the rise or
loss of polysemy in CEPs? Does the emergence or disappearance of
synonymous or semantically similar CEPs play a role? How does the
rise or loss of polysemy relate to the complementation pattern of
the respective predicates?
* Which role does the polysemy of CEPs play for their processing or
* Which patterns of polysemy copying of CEPs can be observed in
Please submit a one-page abstract (single-spaced, 12pt; references and
examples can be added on a second page) as pdf document to Marie-Luise
Popp (marie_luise [dot] popp [at] uni-leipzig.de).
Deadline: August 15, 2016
Notification of acceptance: September 15, 2016
With kind regards,
Prof. Dr. Barbara Stiebels
Institut für Linguistik
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