[Lingtyp] Any references on temporal relative clauses - Oceanic and Bislama
francois at vjf.cnrs.fr
Tue Dec 11 11:27:14 UTC 2018
In case you're interested in more examples from the Oceanic family, then
the following paper cites two languages of northern Vanuatu, namely *Hiw*
- François, Alexandre. 2010. *Pragmatic demotion and clause dependency:
On two atypical subordinating strategies in Lo-Toga and Hiw (Torres,
In Isabelle Bril (ed.), *Clause hierarchy and Clause linking: The Syntax
and Pragmatics interface*. Amsterdam, New York: Benjamins. Pp.499-548.
See examples & discussion on pp.509-510; p.521; p.525; p.539.
In these two close languages, adverbial time clauses are based on a noun
meaning 'time, moment' (Hiw *taketimer̄ën*; Lo-Toga *mowe*).
The relativising syntax is sometimes explicit, sometimes implicit; and
there are sometimes good reasons to propose that the noun is itself
grammaticalizing into an adverbial subordinator ['moment (that)' > 'when'].
Cf. ex.(19) from Hiw, and ex.(45) from Lo-Toga:
(19) Ike yo-ie ti *timer̄ën pe kimir̄e në **yumegov që*…
2sg see-3sg PRF time SUB 2du STAT
‘You met her when you both were still young.’
(45) *Mowe kemë vë da-togin*, nike vēn me dege n̄wule.
time/when 1excl:pl SBJV be-ready 2sg go hither
‘When we’re ready, you can come here so we can go back together.’
Vanuatu's national pidgin-creole, *Bislama*, has a parallel structure with
the noun~subordinator *taem* [<Eng. *time*].
If for instance you take the Human rights declaration in Bislama ["Deklereisen
Blong Raet Blong Evri Man Mo Woman Raon Wol
find many examples of Bislama *taem*.
Article 16 (which you can listen to here
<https://udhr.audio/UDHR_Video.asp?lng=bis&p=16>) includes the following 2
(Eng.1 <http://www.claiminghumanrights.org/udhr_article_16.html#at17> Men
and women of full age, without any limitation due to race, nationality or
religion, have the right to marry and to found a family.
*They are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and at
(Bsl.1) Oli gat raet long ikwel raet long saed blong maret,
long *taem* blong maret mo long *taem* *we* oli disolvem
OBL time POSS marriage and OBL time SUB
3pl dissolve marriage
lit. ‘… at the time of the marriage, and *at the time that* they
dissolve the marriage.’
This example clearly treats *taem* as a noun: cf. possessive structure (
*blong*), preposition *long* 'OBL' + subordinator / relativiser *we*.
shall be entered into *only with the free and full consent of the intending
(Bsl.2) Maret bambae i= tekemples nomo *taem we* hemi
marriage FUT 3sg happen only time
tingting blong man mo woman ia blong tufala i= maret.
idea POSS man and woman DEM POSS 3du
lit. ‘Marriage will only happen *when ~ if* it is the idea
of that man and woman who are about to marry.’
Finally, this bit from Article 25
<https://udhr.audio/UDHR_Video.asp?lng=bis&p=25> leans towards
grammaticalization [time > when]
<http://www.claiminghumanrights.org/udhr_article_25.html#at27> the right
to security *in the event of unemployment,* (...) *old age or other lack of
(Bsl.3) raet long sekuriti long taem we man o woman i no
right OBL security OBL time SUB man or
woman 3npl NEG work
*taem hemi olfala o taem hemi no save gat wan
gudfala laef *(...)
time/when 3sg old or time/when 3sg NEG
able have INDEF good life
lit. ‘… the right to security when a man or woman does not work (...)
when (s)he's old, or when (s)he cannot have a good life.’
The parallel syntax between Bislama and Oceanic languages of Vanuatu (Hiw,
Lo-Toga, Araki, Daakaka and others) must be explained by language contact /
areal influence / substratum & adstratum effects / (ongoing) processes of
LaTTiCe <http://lattice.cnrs.fr/Francois-Alexandre?lang=en> — CNRS–
Australian National University
Academia page <https://cnrs.academia.edu/AlexFran%C3%A7ois> – Personal
On Tue, 11 Dec 2018 at 10:22, Isabelle BRIL <isabelle.bril at cnrs.fr> wrote:
> Dear Jesus
> there are such time“clausal noun-modifying constructions" in a number
> ofOceanic languages from New Caledonia, among which Nêlêmwa
> Bril Isabelle 2002. Le nêlêmwa (Nouvelle-Calédonie). Analyse syntaxique et
> sémantique, p 438-439 in particular.
> (47) cêê kââlek nok *ni* *yeewa-t* * dua* hla yhalap
> hlaabai kibu-va
> very be.plenty fish in time when 3pl fish
> those.anaph ancestors-poss.1pl.excl
> “there was plenty of fish at the time when our ancestors went
> (49) hla thoogi-e *n**i khooba yeewa-t* *dua* i
> 3pl call-3sg in number time when(realis) 3sg eat
> 'someone called him whenever he was eating, "
> (b) hla thoogi-e *ni khooba yeewa-t* *o* i khuwo
> 3pl call-3sg in number time when(irr) 3sg eat
> 'someone calls him whenever he eats, "
> (c) *ni* *khooba* *yeewa-t* *o* i khuwo,
> *na* hla thoogi-e
> in number time when(irr) 3sg eat then 3pl
> 'whenever he eats, someone calls him"
> d) n*i* *khooba* *yeewa-t* *dua* i khuwo,
> *na* hla thoogi-e
> in number time when(real) 3sg eat then 3pl
> 'whenever he was eating, someone called him"
> Le 11/12/2018 à 01:19, Microsoft.com Member a écrit :
> Dear all,
> As you know in many languages temporal, locative, and manner adverbial
> clauses are structurally identical to relative clauses. This structural
> identity between relative clauses and adverbial clauses is not infrequent.
> As Thompson et al. (2007: 245) point out adverbial clauses expressing time,
> location, and manner can commonly be paraphrased, in many languages, “with
> a relative clause with a generic and relatively semantically empty head
> noun: time, place, and way/manner, respectively”.
> I send you this message because currently I am working on a final paper
> for a course I am taking that explores “temporal relatives in the world´s
> languages”, as can be seen in the examples in (1) and (2).
> *Kisi* (Niger-Congo/Mel; Childs 1995: 287)
> (1) ŋ̀ cò cììkìáŋ, *lɔ́ɔ́* ŋ̀
> cò hùnɔ́ɔ́-*ó*.
> 1pl.sbj aux meet time 2sg.sbj
> aux come-rel
> ʻWe will see you when you come.ʼ
> *Araki* (Austronesian/Oceanic: Vanuatu; François 2002: 182)
> (2) mo vari-a nunu
> 3sg.real take-3sg shadow
> ʻHe took the photo
> *lo dani* no-m̈am ta mo
> pa m̈is m̈audu ro.
> loc day poss-1exc.pl dad 3sg.real seq
> still live prog
> at the time our father was still aliveʼ
> What I have found so far is that this construction seems to be very
> frequent in many African (e.g. Eton, Koyra Chiini, Jalkunan, Fongbe, etc)
> and Oceanic languages (e.g. Daakaka, Toqabaqita, 'Are'are, etc.). I was
> wondering if you are aware of:
> 1. any paper(s) that has explore this type of construction.
> 2. any languages that have this type of construction.
> Any help will be appreciated!
> Jesús Olguín Martínez
> Ph.D. Student, Dept. of Linguistics
> *University of California, Santa Barbara (UCSB)*
> Childs, G. Tucker. 1995. *A Grammar of Kisi: A Southern Atlantic Language*.
> Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.
> François, Alexandre. 2002. *Araki: A Disappearing Language of Vanuatu*.
> (Pacific Linguistics, 522.) Canberra: Research School of Pacific and Asian
> Studies, Australian National University.
> Thompson, Sandra, Longacre, Robert & Hwang, Shin. 2007. Adverbial Clauses.
> In *Language Typology and Syntactic Description, Volume I**I: Complex
> Constructions*, Timothy Shopen (ed.), 237-300. Cambridge: Cambridge
> University Press.
> Lingtyp mailing listLingtyp at listserv.linguistlist.orghttp://listserv.linguistlist.org/mailman/listinfo/lingtyp
> Isabelle Bril
> Directeur de recherches (LACITO-CNRS)
> Directeur d'Etudes à l'EPHE (Typologie et Typologie des langues austronésiennes)
> Directrice de la fédération de recherches Typologie et Universaux des Langues (FR2559 CNRS)http://www.typologie.cnrs.fr/
> Ecole de typologie ESSLT 2016 https://typoling2016.sciencesconf.org/
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