[Lingtyp] A generalization about morphological and syntactic causatives

[Neil Myler]

Dear Juergen,
isiXhosa (Nguni, Bantu) is a counter-example.  These examples come from a
joint paper by me and Zoliswa Mali that came out in* Syntax* a couple of
years ago (the bolding highlights an alternation in the marking of the
causee that plays an important role in the paper; numerals in the glosses
are for noun classes):

[image: Screenshot 2023-06-07 at 3.53.39 PM.png]
[image: Screenshot 2023-06-07 at 3.54.04 PM.png]

Best,
Neil

On Wed, Jun 7, 2023 at 2:57 PM Juergen Bohnemeyer <jb77 at buffalo.edu> wrote:

> Dear all – It seems that languages with fully productive morphological
> causatives tend to lack syntactic (a.k.a. periphrastic/analytical)
> causatives. By ‘fully productive’, I mean crucially that the causative
> marker can be applied to already transitive (and thus semantically
> causative) bases, and therefore can be used to express indirect causation.
> Examples of languages that have fully productive morphological causatives
> in this sense and lack periphrastic causative constructions include
> Chuvash, Japanese, Hindi/Urdu, and Shawi (Cahuapanan, Peru).
>
>
>
> Two questions about the above generalization:
>
>
>
> (i)                  Are there counterexamples?
>
> (ii)                Are there statements of this generalization in the
> literature?
>
>
>
> Thanks! – Juergen
>
>
>
> Juergen Bohnemeyer (He/Him)
> Professor, Department of Linguistics
> University at Buffalo
>
> Office: 642 Baldy Hall, UB North Campus
> Mailing address: 609 Baldy Hall, Buffalo, NY 14260
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> Email: jb77 at buffalo.edu
> Web: http://www.acsu.buffalo.edu/~jb77/
>
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> 520 2411; Passcode Hoorheh)
>
> There’s A Crack In Everything - That’s How The Light Gets In
> (Leonard Cohen)
>
> --
>
>
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