[Lingtyp] Verbs meaning 'and, with'

[Mark Donohue]

Yet more Austronesian.

Tukang Besi (Southeast Sulawesi, Indonesia) has a word *kene*.
Translations include:

'with' (accompaniment, instrumental'
'and' (NPs or Vs)
'friend'

Donohue, Mark. 1999a. *A Grammar of Tukang Besi*. Berlin: Mouton de
Gruyter. Grammar Library series No. 20. ISBN 3110161885.

-Mark


On Mon, 25 Nov 2024 at 20:41, Cat Butz via Lingtyp <
lingtyp at listserv.linguistlist.org> wrote:

> Dear Jose,
>
> This is only going to be another Austronesian example, but I'll still
> mention it:
>
> Dalkalaen (Oceanic, Vanuatu) has no overt object agreement, but the
> transitive verb 'kyurine' is sometimes best translated as "be with, go
> by, etc.", and sometimes as "and/with":
>
> Ni *kyurine* a-g taata, maama, sela-g en ta kékey, mi=m *kyurine* bot
> yan Lingra.
> 1 *be.with* POSS-1 dad, mum, brother-1 REL DIST small, 1EX:PL=REAL
> *be.with* boat go Lingra
> Me *and* my dad, my mum, and my little brother, we *took* a boat to
> Lingra.
>
> Warmest,
> ---
> Cat Butz (she)
> HHU Düsseldorf
> General Linguistics
>
>
> Am 24/11/2024 14:52, schrieb Jose Antonio Jodar Sanchez via Lingtyp:
> > Dear all,
> >
> > My colleague Andrey Drinfeld and I are looking at a group of verbs
> > meaning 'and, with' in a family of Papuan languages, the Torricelli
> > family. Instead of using linking devices such as conjunctions (e.g.
> > English 'and') or affixes/clitics (e.g. Amharic -əm) to join two noun
> > phrases, these languages use verbs which have pronominal affixes for
> > either subject, object, or both. Examples from Walman and Yeri can be
> > found in (1) and (2) respectively, with the 'and' verb in bold:
> >
> > (1) [Runon      n-a-Ø                                            chu]
> >       y-an                       y-ayako-Ø
> >      klay-poch ...
> >       3SG.M     3SG.M.SUBJ-and-3SG.F.OBJ     wife       3PL.SUBJ-be.at
> > [1]    3PL.SUBJ-make-3SG.F.OBJ   taro-porridge ...
> >       ‘[He and his wife] were making taro porridge ...’ (Brown and
> > Dryer, 2008: 529)
> >
> > (2) Hem      teipa      dore     m-nobia      [Sila    w-odɨ-Ø
> >                 Lagosi].
> >      1sg        then       get.up  1sg-talk.R    Sila
> > 3SG.F-and.R-SG.F     Lagosi
> >       ‘I got up and told [Sila and Lagosi].’ (Wilson, 2017: 333)
> >
> > We have been operating under the assumption that this phenomenon is
> > not attested outside the Torricelli family and a few Austronesian
> > languages (such as Lamaholot), but we do not have concrete evidence
> > one way or the other, and are considering the possibility that there
> > may be other attestations of such a phenomenon elsewhere that have not
> > gotten into the literature on this topic. We are wondering if anyone
> > is aware of such a phenomenon being attested in other language
> > families and parts of the world.
> >
> > Best,
> >
> > Jose.
> >
> > Links:
> > ------
> > [1] http://3PL.SUBJ-be.at
> > _______________________________________________
> > Lingtyp mailing list
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> > https://listserv.linguistlist.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/lingtyp
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